THE MEDIEVAL WORLD OF WESTERN EUROPE

The apostle Paul once proclaimed, ‘For there must also be factions among you, so that those who are approved may become evident among you’ (1 Corinthians 11:19). The term ‘factions’ in the synodical translation originates from the Greek word ‘hairéseis’, from which the familiar concept of ‘heresies’ is derived. He further cautions, ‘A heretical man after a first and second admonition have done with, knowing that such a one is perverted, and sins, being self-condemned’ (Titus 3:10-11). Consequently, the issue of heresy emerged within the realm of Christianity. The paradox of the medieval era, once again, lies in the fact that authority, even the ecclesiastical one, consistently demanded consensus and the unanimity of beliefs. Yet, in its resolute pursuit of agreement, it paradoxically accommodated space for dissenting voices.

Around the year 600, St Isidore of Seville1¹Isidore of SevilleArchbishop of Seville and a father of the Catholic Church (died 636), is the author of the most popular encyclopedia in the Middle Ages, Etymologies. cataloged a total of seventy heresies. According to him, a heretic wasn't just someone who had strayed but someone who had become entrenched in their erroneous beliefs. From the period of the Church Fathers2²Church FathersIn the Catholic and Orthodox Christian traditions, this term refers to theologians from the fourth to the seventh centuries CE recognized by the church as authoritative. This meant that their theological interpretations and ethical instructions were considered the true interpretation of Sacred Scripture., the Middle Ages inherited convenient and authoritative definitions and manuals that allowed categorizing various errors under labels like Arian, Manichean, Savelian, and so forth. Nevertheless, those newly deemed Arians3³AriansFollowers of the teachings of Arius (died 336), a Libyan priest who denied the equality of God the Father and God the Son, and, consequently, the unity of the divine substance known as the Trinity (Father, Son, Holy Spirit). could differ significantly from those who had lived a thousand years earlier. This situation bears a resemblance to the current indiscriminate use of the term ‘fascist’. The antiquated terminology was in part constructed on the misinterpretations found in texts, serving as a legal basis for new waves of persecutions. We must acknowledge that the term ‘heresy’ is not neutral; it's inherently evaluative. It always reflects someone's perspective, often that of authorities, when describing an individual who is perceived as disobedient or rebellious.

The latter half of the twelfth century marked the emergence of new terms. In 1163, Eckbert, a monk from the Benedictine monastery of Schönau, delivered specific sermons against the Cathars. Uttered in German, the word ‘Ketzer,’ derived from the Greek ‘pure’, began to denote any heretic. The Bulgarian Bogomils4⁴BogomilsA religious movement that emerged in the tenth century CE in the Balkans, named after its preacher, Bogomil. It is one of the dualistic directions in Christianity, based on the existence of two (Latin duo) equal natures in the world: Good and Evil, God and the Devil. were termed ‘bogre’ in France, and by the thirteenth century, the Inquisition adopted this term to address all dissenters in the Loire Valley who rejected the sacraments, and, at times, even individuals of both genders who were homosexual.

Did the expansion of the lexicon related to persecution and the emergence of new analytical texts indicate the spread of the heretical movement? It undoubtedly did. As Christianization gained depth and momentum, dissent also grew. Communities of individuals who veered away from the common path to salvation began to emerge in specific cities and regions. Some rejected the services of the priesthood, finding them inadequate for their lofty calling, and criticized its wealth, while doubting the efficacy of its rituals. Others claimed to have revived ancient forms of piety, abstained from consuming meat, and adopted the title of apostles. These groups organized themselves, often with a hierarchy forming naturally among them, and conducted baptisms with the Spirit, along with blessing their meals.

Henry II Plantagenet, a key figure in shaping English power, initiated an active pursuit of heretics, introducing the use of heated iron in the Assizes of Clarendon (1166). Frederick II (1220–50), despite being considered one of the most forward-thinking and enlightened medieval monarchs, ironically advanced the principles and practices of the Inquisition5⁵InquisitionThe institutions created in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries CE by the Catholic Church, tasked with investigating (Latin inquisitio) crimes against the official religion. This primarily included heresy and witchcraft. in the 1220s, outpacing even the papacy. The flames of religious persecution blazed so intensely in his Sicilian kingdom that Pope Honorius III found himself needing to restrain the enthusiasm of the newly crowned emperor, who zealously embraced his role as a defender of the Church.

Nonetheless, a noteworthy trend emerged: the presence of an internal enemy had the capacity to unite the often-disparate forces of both spiritual and secular authorities.iA prevalent metaphor in the Middle Ages about the two swords in the hands of the church, secular and spiritual, originating from the Gospel image. Rooted in the dynamics of feudal relationships, the nascent modern state took a cue from the religious institution in identifying, penalizing, and eradicating various forms of disobedience. This characteristic trend also underscores how the church, as a repository of knowledge, preserved its wisdom for generations. Parchments diligently documented the outcomes of ecclesiastical endeavors, paralleling the meticulous record-keeping practices. As the secular state gained confidence and autonomy from the clergy, it began to adopt the skills of self-organization and methods of persuasion that the religious institution had long employed.

As the thirteenth century began, the Albigensians, also known as Cathars due to their emphasis on purity, emerged as perhaps the most prominent heretical movement of the Middle Ages. Originating from the southern French city of Albi, they spoke Occitan and garnered support from both minor and major nobility in the prosperous Languedoc region. Establishing their own hierarchy, which directly opposed the established church, they created a divisive schism in the heart of Europe, a division that neither Rome nor Paris could ignore. In response, the pope declared a crusade against the Albigensians, ultimately resulting in their defeat, paving the way for Paris to exert control over the prosperous south. The efforts of the Holy Church extended beyond military actions; preaching was another crucial tool. Those who returned to the fold were called ‘voluntarily humiliated’ (in Latin, ‘humiliati’) and received support. Persecution against the ascetic Waldensians was also somewhat alleviated by the authorities, leading to the continued existence of this movement, albeit on a smaller scale, even in modern times.

However, traditional preaching suffered a significant setback, making room for a more adaptable approach, as seen in the emergence of the mendicant orders, simultaneously founded by Francis of Assisi from Umbria and Dominic Guzmán from Castile. Both of them recognized their calling in revitalizing the evangelical notion of poverty by personally emulating Jesus's earthly journey. They shared the belief that this mission required active engagement in the public sphere rather than confinement within the cloister. Moreover, they understood that their efforts should be aligned with the Church, sanctioned by the papacy, and conducted under the established hierarchy and close connection with the priesthood.

The behavior of Francis and his immediate followers, marked by their unconventional acts, often raised eyebrows and provoked opposition. Their approach occasionally led to conflicts with the surrounding society, pushing some of his associates into self-imposed exile and years of wandering. Despite the unconventional nature of their actions, their commitment to emulating Christ's earthly tribulations resonated with many and drew them back into the fold of orthodoxy. This demonstrated that rather than attributing one's sins and misfortunes solely to external factors or negligent priests, one should focus on self-improvement.

Certain cardinals and bishops within the church found themselves drawn to the fusion of personal piety exhibited by these emerging spiritual leaders and their capacity to draw others into their fold. Recognizing the potential of this movement, they leveraged it to establish a novel tool: the Inquisition. Often perceived as the Holy See's version of a detective agency or a moral police force, the Inquisition is more complex than these portrayals suggest. While it does encompass elements of investigation and enforcement, it also incorporates spiritual and disciplinary dimensions. Both the Franciscan and Dominican orders actively engaged in the implementation of the Inquisition. The Dominicans, in particular, displayed remarkable zeal, integrating the cultivation of education and the art of persuasive preaching into their pedagogical approach. Consequently, they earned the moniker ‘the dogs of the Lord’iA play on words, on the name Dominicans: Domini canes (Latin, translates as ‘Hounds of the Lord’). (in Latin, Domini canes), reflecting their unwavering commitment to the cause.

The intellectual framework of scholasticism, which was carefully crafted by the brightest minds of its time to facilitate rational thought, sought to clarify the definitions of particular expressions of dissent and dissidence that justified punitive measures. In the eyes of investigators and prosecutors, a heretic was perceived as a servant of the devil, inherently possessing qualities deemed to deserve eradication and immolation. The resistance exhibited by the accused individual was further construed as evidence of diabolical influence, a force that needed to be vigorously countered in order to extract a confession. The subsequent phenomenon of witch hunts, in the late medieval and Renaissance period, that unfolded during the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries can be traced back to this groundwork. Notably, The Hammer of Witches6⁶Malleus Maleficarum(The Hammer of Witches)–A treatise on demonology and proper methods of persecuting witches, written at the end of the fifteenth century CE by Dominican monks Jacob Sprenger and Heinrich Institoris. An absolute bestseller of its time. Contrary to common beliefs, the peak of witch hunts occurred not in the Middle Ages but during the Renaissance (French: Renaissance, Italian: Rinascimento, from Latin renasci, ‘to be born again’, ‘to be reborn’). The last executions took place in the late eighteenth century CE., a treatise on witchcraft and demonology, was authored by some of the Dominican order. However, it should be acknowledged that the insights of inquisitors and exorcists from various orders contributed to its composition as well.

The essence lies in the inherent ambivalence of heresy as both a religious and a Christian life phenomenon. The church found itself compelled to pass judgment, yet its role as an impartial arbiter was undermined by its intrinsic nature. This was due to its responsibility not to the people but for them, and not to them but to a higher divine authority. It perceived itself as a celestial citadel besieged by adversaries, by cunning wolves seeking to lure every stray sheep into damnation.iOriginally a ravine southwest of Jerusalem, used as a dumping ground for impurities. A common metaphor for hell. During the thirteenth century, theology, long sheltered within monastic walls, gradually emerged into broader spheres, first in universities and then extending almost to the streets. Suddenly, theological debates became accessible to an audience utterly unprepared and uneducated, comprising the silent majority whose perspectives remain forever concealed. This marked a clear indication that the Church was willing to face its congregation. Once-obscured mysteries were unveiled, sparking a proliferation of diverse interpretations recorded on parchment and paper. This occurred in an era when censorship manifested chiefly through public bonfires and book executions, a practice that sporadically persists even in the present day, although now digital versions are often targeted. Manuscripts, however, do not yield willingly to flames; dissent flourished along with ideas that defied control. As history has shown, erroneous thoughts frequently paved the way for misguided actions.

Did such a society entertain the notion of religious or general tolerance? If we define tolerance as the acceptance of diverse viewpoints on a subject, particularly religious matters, the Middle Ages lacked such a concept. Blasphemy or deviations from the accepted faith were not only personal offenses but also affronts to the entire community of believers. In the medieval framework of values, faith held a more communal than private significance. Consequently, tolerance resembled our stance towards criminal transgressors. In the medieval mindset, acknowledging alternative perspectives as equal to one's own was unheard of. The issue at hand was not merely maintaining public order but also upholding cosmic harmony, the intricate relationship between human society and the celestial realm. Thus, the public execution of heretics, considered edifying to the populace, was perceived as just and necessary.

The treatment of the Jews here presented a complex issue. The crux of the matter rested upon a religion with which Christianity shared a particularly intricate relationship and, one might say, unresolved conflict. In his contemplation on sin within Know Thyself, Abelard7⁷Peter AbelardA medieval French philosopher-scholastic, poet, and musician (1079–1142). He was a popular teacher in France and headed the cathedral school in Paris. Passion arose between him and the daughter of one of the priests, Heloise. In retaliation, the girl's father ordered Abelard's castration. Both young people retreated to a monastery and were buried nearby after their deaths. Their correspondence is one of the most impressive literary monuments to love. Abelard's Story of My Calamities is one of the rare autobiographies from the Middle Ages. offers the argument that those who executed Christ had not sinned if they genuinely believed their actions were in service of God. According to him, while their actions and intentions couldn't be deemed virtuous, they would have committed a greater sin by defying their conscience. In this way, Abelard, a deeply religious Christian, engaged in ethical reflection, acknowledging the Jewish individual's entitlement to their own truth. This example stands as a thought-provoking illustration and is central to Abelard's effort to demonstrate that not every mistake constitutes a sin—only those that arise from conscious wrongdoing hold that distinction.

Even during the twelfth century, there existediThat is to say, interpreters (ancient Greek). Christian scriptural scholars who recognized the profound significance of the same Old Testament texts for the neighboring Jewish communities. They acknowledged the Jews’ nuanced (though divergent by definition) understanding of these texts, stemming from their exploration of what they termed their ‘hebraica veritas’ or ‘Jewish truth’. Although Hebrew was rarely studied, it was held in sacred regard alongside Greek and Latin due to Pilate's directive to inscribe Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews on the cross in that language. There persisted a hope that the Jews might eventually convert and accept Christ, with some even viewing this potential conversion as a precursor to the Day of Judgement. The classical scholasticism of Aquinas's era, which emerged as early as the mid-thirteenth century, gleaned insights from Maimonides, one of the greatest Jewish philosophers. His Arabic treatise from the late twelfth century, The Guide for the Perplexed, was translated into Hebrew and then Latin, rapidly disseminating among both Jewish and Christian circles. This dissemination sparked debates and, on occasion, joint discussions, though it's important to acknowledge that these dialogues coexisted with episodes of intolerance and persecution across various echelons of society.

A multitude of historical records attest to the widespread presence of Jews in Western societies during the twelfth to fifteenth centuries. Interestingly, many of these texts focus on individual families rather than indicating the existence of large, organized enclaves. This suggests that Jews and the Christian majority coexisted in close proximity for extended periods. The concept of a ghetto,8⁸GhettoThe name of this Venetian district in Cannaregio is possibly connected with foundry production (Italian: ghetto, foundry). characterized by enforced isolation within a city, only gained prominence in the modern era. Its origins can be traced back to Venice in 1516 when the term was associated with a specific neighborhood that endures to this day. In contrast, the Middle Ages were marked by the existence of Jewish streets or even entire neighborhoods, which mirrored similar enclaves for other marginalized groups and immigrants. These communities were subject to both persecution and the provision of a precarious, specific type of patronage from the authorities. The phrase ‘our Jews’ was not uncommon on the lips of monarchs and even popes. Jews could be found as individual court experts, such as physicians or interpreters, or as organized groups contributing to various aspects of society.

This paradox appears to have been a rhetorical device employed by an authority that professed a readiness to bestow peace and justice even upon those outside its faith, as an expression of its mercy. The term ‘infidels’, often used, denoted those who were subjected to feudal orders and chaos, effectively becoming vassals of the liege lord, as is evident from the possessive pronoun ‘our Jews’. This arrangement, however, came at a cost—a relative erosion of the freedoms that Jews were once guaranteed under Roman law, leading to inequality and personal subordination to the ‘goy’.

Beyond the theological complexities that characterize this millennium-long history of Christian-Jewish relations, it is important to acknowledge that there could not have been an official war between them. Instances of absurd accusations, outbreaks of violence, pogroms, anti-Jewish folklore, and unjust expulsions certainly occurred. However, the concept of war did not apply. The medieval Jew was not a warrior, setting them apart from the world of Islam, which had a different disposition. The dynamic between medieval Christianity and Islam was framed by conflict from the outset and persisted through the centuries. While in the early stages of this history a significant portion of the Christian Mediterranean areas fell under Arab control, alliances were forged with them. By the fifteenth century, with the decline of the Arab states, the Ottoman Turks took the lead. This age-old enmity, still present today, played a significant role in shaping the history of European Christian civilization, despite not always serving as a literal frontier factor.

From the Greeks, the Western world gained awareness that the Quran revered figures like John the Baptist, Mary, and Christ. It was also known that the Quran perceived the crucifixion as an illusion and acknowledged the scriptural peoples: Jews, Christians, and Muslims, who followed the Prophet. Yet, the initial chroniclers of the Crusades often lamented the limited knowledge about Muslims. Consequently, the epic literature, rooted in folklore, sometimes depicted Islam in a distorted manner, attributing idolatry to it and reducing the enemy to a pagan-like entity or portraying their complexities and shortcomings through a warped lens. In the ‘Song of Roland’, an eleventh-century poem based on the Frankish military leader Roland at the Battle of Roncevaux Pass in 778, there emerges a sort of diabolic trinity consisting of MohammediLatin form of Mahomet., Tervagan, and Apollin.9⁹The Song of RolandAn epic poem narrating the Battle of Roncevaux Pass between the army of Charlemagne and the Basques (778). It is the oldest significant work of French literature, created at the turn of the ninth and tenth centuries CE. This represents a pure exercise in negative mythmaking.

However, around 1140, a turning point occurred when Peter the Venerable, the abbot of Cluny, proposed an alternative approach: that Islam could be countered not only with the sword but also with preaching, dialogue, and love. He initiated a project to translate the Quran and accounts of Muhammad's life by enlisting translators from Spain. His intention was to provide this translation to Bernard of Clairvaux, hoping it would inspire preachers beyond just crusaders. While the project achieved partial success, Bernard's busy schedule prevented him from fully engaging with it, and the translated Latin Quran, skillfully handled by Robert of Chetton and Herman of Carinthia, did not gain widespread distribution. As a result, large-scale preaching and meaningful dialogue about Islam did not materialize, and the cultural understanding of Islam in medieval Europe remained limited.

What does this signify? In essence, the Christian forces engaged in religious wars in the Middle Ages were often unprepared for direct confrontations and had to rely on temporary truces. As we've observed, the preachers primarily focused on addressing heresies within their own territories. A notable exception is Saint FrancisiSt. Francis of Assisi, the founder of the Franciscan order (died 1226)., who ventured to Egypt to preach to Muslims. Another example is the unconventional thinker Raimund Lullius, who, after learning Arabic and gaining an appreciation for Arab culture, dared to preach to Muslims and was possibly martyred in Bejaia in 1315. Spain presents a unique case due to its centuries-long coexistence with Arabs. The Muslim influence significantly shaped its historical trajectory, touching aspects such as irrigation techniques, legal principles, as well as Mozarabic and Mudejar art, music, and poetry. Similarly, Sicily, which reverted to Christianity in the twelfth century, boasted a cultural diversity reflected in its three languages: Latin, Greek, and Arabic, which were all common in both governmental circles and the streets of cities like Palermo, Messina, and Catania. Additionally, the North French accent of the Normans and the language of the thriving Jewish community further enriched this multifaceted tapestry.

During the twelfth century, a significant movement emerged: the translation of diverse scientific and philosophical works from Arabic into Latin. These translations encompassed texts of both Arabic origin and Greek classics that had been previously translated into Arabic. This intellectual exchange was particularly vibrant in Toledo, fostered by enlightened and inquisitive archbishops who provided patronage. Scholars from Jewish communities actively engaged in this endeavor as well, into translating Arabic texts into the local Romance language, while Christian translators rendered these translations into Latin. This cross-cultural collaboration opened the door to the Western world's exploration of Arab contributions in medicine, mathematics, astronomy, and astrology, alongside the wisdom of ancient Greek scholars.

The convergence of Greek and Arab traditions wasn't a coincidence. Many Greek ideas entered the realm of young Islam, arriving from both Byzantine schools and the Syrians. These ideas later made their way to the courts of Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs in the seventh to ninth centuries, a period often referred to metaphorically as the Muslim Renaissance. Consequently, Arab scientific literature served as a crucial bridge in rekindling Europe's interest in their Greek heritage. Thinkers like al-Farghani, Ibn Sina, Al-Khwarizmi, Al-Bitrudji, Al-Kindi, Abu Ma’shar, and Hunayn ibn-Ishaq formed a constellation of intellects that Europeans held in similar esteem to the Greek and Latin classics, including luminaries such as Hippocrates, Ptolemy, and Pliny.

Subsequently, Aristotle's influence gained prominence; by the mid-thirteenth century, his complete body of work existed in numerous copies. Despite Aristotle's reputation as a complex and enigmatic figure, the last eminent Aristotelian of the Islamic world, Ibn Rushd from Andalusia, offered his works an extensive commentary. This partnership bestowed upon Aristotle the title of ‘the Philosopher,’ and Ibn Rushd, known as Averroes in Latin, became ‘the Commentator’. In unison, Aristotle and Averroes revolutionized Europe's intellectual landscape, demonstrating for the first time that the pursuit of truth could be achieved through philosophy alone. This innovation's significance cannot be overstated. Even though the Church initially condemned over 200 philosophical and theological theses for Averroism in 1277, the momentum of intellectual renewal had already taken root, rendering any attempts to halt it futile.

Yet, it is crucial to understand that there was no deliberate effort to translate Arabic literary masterpieces systematically and purposefully. Occasional Arabic motifs and the proliferation of arabesque designs in ornamentation intrigued as novelties but did not culminate in a distinct style. The Latin world absorbed Arabic algebra and astronomy in simplified forms. While Aristotle found his place, his predecessor Plato had to await recognition for another two centuries. The humanists of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, some of whom were well-versed in ancient Greek and translated Plato, largely disregarded the translations from the scholastic era's predecessors, despite their substantial interest in Greco-Arabic astrology. Moreover, the initial motivation for these translations was not to foster dialogue but to reclaim intellectual treasures that had been 'illegally' acquired by non-believers.

This intellectual fervor shares some similarities with the spirit of the Crusaders. The twelfth-century Andalusian geographer al-Zuhri portrayed the Pisans primarily as formidable warriors and only secondarily as traders. War and trade were intertwined in the Christian West's expansion in all directions. This expansion also shaped a distinct pragmatism in matters of culture and power. Indeed, Leonardo Fibonacci10¹⁰Leonardo FibonacciAn Italian mathematician from Pisa (died around 1250), the first major mathematician of Western Europe, author of the popular treatise The Book of the Abacus., who learned the use of Arabic numbers in arithmetic during his time in BejaiaiCity in the north of modern Algeria., managed to present this knowledge in comprehensible Latin, capturing the interest of the innovation-seeking Emperor Frederick II and perhaps even the pope. However, back in his hometown of Pisa, he was called eccentric.

Despite the seemingly irreconcilable nature of different religious systems, I believe that dialogue between them is possible. Such dialogue can contribute to mutual enrichment among the adherents of these religions and perhaps even prompt changes within them. Nevertheless, the Catholic kings' conquest of Granada11¹¹Conquest of GranadaGranada, the last Muslim emirate in Spain, was defeated by the Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella in 1492. With the fall of Granada, the so-called Reconquista, the reconquest of Spain from the Muslims who ruled it since the seventh century CE, was completed. wasn't driven by a desire to appreciate the refined culture of the Nasrid rulers, who were already nominal vassals. Additionally, when Genoese navigator Columbus sought support for his expedition, he aimed not at discovering America but at circumventing the Islamic territories to the south. His intention was to locate the successors of the legendary Prester John12¹²Country of Prester JohnA legendary Christian land supposedly located somewhere in Central Asia. The myth of Prester John first appears in the twelfth century CE. in India and amass untold treasures for the long-awaited battle to reclaim the lost shrines. These aspirations are emblematic of the quintessential medieval dreams that marked the dawn of a new era.

Consequently, a new world began to take shape within the context of medieval circumstances as the Pillars of Hercules ceased to be the age-old boundary of Europe. Gradually, the ocean evolved into a conduit for interaction between the Old World and the new continents that had seemingly emerged from thin air. The inquisitive and daring Europeans found themselves engaging with unfamiliar societies, prompting a shift in their frames of reference system.

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