FAREWELL FEAST OF THE PAST CENTURY

Certainly, Shah Reza Pahlavi was not a madman, and nor was he the Eastern despot that the Iranian opposition sought to depict him as. Rather, he was an enlightened Eastern monarch, cautious to a certain extent, cunning to another, and endlessly self-absorbed, all while being exceedingly polite. From his early years, he grew accustomed to receiving admiring gazes and flattering whispers. In childhood and youth photographs, he distinctly stood out from his robust father, who had a weathered, skeptical peasant face.

Who was his father, Reza Khan, who grew up in the Persian Cossack Brigade, the personal guards of Iranian shahs? He was a common man, truly from the working class, and he made his way up through practical intelligence, cunning, and cruelty. In 1921, Reza Khan led a Cossack campaign to Tehran and, by removing the legitimate ruler, Naser al-Din Shah, who belonged to the Turkic Qajar dynasty, he declared himself the new shah of Iran in 1925.

Thus, Reza Khan established the Pahlavi dynasty. He deliberately chose Pahlavi as his new name as it was the language spoken by the Persians before the Arab invasion in the seventh century CE. A calculating and crafty politician, Reza decided that his dynasty directly descended from the legendary Darius and Xerxes themselves! Later, this claim would become part of his son's dynastic strategy. To prove the high lineage of the ruling monarch and his relatives, the best historians, archaeologists, and researchers were engaged in an open competition to find more evidence of Pahlavi's connection to these Persian kings of the past. Any fake views or evidence on the subject were welcomed and, presumably, well rewarded. To further confuse historians, Reza Khan introduced a new name for the country—Iran. In 1935, he wrote a letter to the League of Nations requesting that his country be called Iran (Eran) instead of Persia. The monarch explained this change by stating that within his country, the word ‘Iran’ was used to refer to what the world knew as Persia. The word, meaning ‘Land of Aryans’, was derived from the term ‘Irani’, a term rooted in the name of the Aryan tribe he claimed.

Indeed, that was just the beginning. The people of Iran were instructed to adopt surnames, where in the past everyone managed with just a first name, and to wear European clothing. Civil rights were granted to women. Inspired by the example of Queen Taj ol-Molouk, many Iranian women hurried to remove their Islamic veils. As one can easily guess, all of these changes did not find favor with the Shiite clergy, who held significant influence in the agrarian and backward country. It was during this time that the conflict between the shah's Tehran and Qom (a holy city for Iranian Shiites, traditionally inhabited by spiritual guides and authorities) began to emerge and smolder dangerously. However, it was in the 1930s that the seeds of the problems that would ultimately lead to the Iranian tragedy were sown.

Shah Reza Khan himself was a typical Eastern autocrat, holding everyone in his thrall. However, he also understood that without technological progress, the country, regardless of its name on the map, was destined to lead a semi-colonial, backward existence. This is why he sent his son and heir to study at the privileged Swiss boarding school Institut Le Rosey. Hundreds of young Iranians from various social backgrounds accompanied him to Europe to receive an education, and the main expenses were covered by the Iranian government.

However, the Second World War disrupted the shah's plans. Reza Khan chose Nazi Germany, which had logically appeared to him as a counterbalance to the influence of the British and the Soviet Union, the two empires that had long had their eyes set on Iran, as his main ally. But Germany was far away and preoccupied with conquering Europe—Hitler had no time for Iran. Eventually, both British and Soviet forces entered the country. On 16 September 1941, Reza was forced to abdicate the throne in favor of his twenty-two-year-old son, Mohammad Reza. The former shah, accompanied by a minimal staff, was hastily placed on a British ship, which disregarded his requests to dock in Japan and set sail for Mauritius. A year later, he moved to Johannesburg, South Africa, where he passed away in 1944 at the age of sixty-six. Later, the Majlis, the Iranian Parliament, bestowed the title ‘The Great’ upon Reza Khan, and his remains were transported to Iran for an honorable burial.

In general, everything related to his father, his overthrow, and his demise was an incredibly painful topic for the young Mohammad Reza. He tried to never mention it in interviews, especially since he had felt like a hostage to the geopolitical situation from the very beginning. He was essentially a pawn, initially in the hands of Stalin and Churchill, and later for the American president Truman. He was too young to confront the monsters of high politics and play his own game. From childhood, he was taught to navigate various complexities and get along with everyone. He was cautious, prudent, and calculating beyond his years. Moreover, in the post-war years, the Iranian parliament took charge of the country, and the shah primarily satisfied himself with formal and ceremonial duties.

However, everything changed in February 1949, when an assassination attempt was made on the shah.iA member of the People's Party, Tude Fakhrai, shot Reza Pahlavi five times from a short distance, but only one bullet hit his right cheek and exited. A member of the Tudeh People’s Party, Fakhr-Arai, shot Reza Pahlavi five times from close range, but only one bullet hit his right cheek and exited. This was enough cause for the shah to ban the pro-Soviet Tudeh Party and expand his own constitutional powers.

However, Reza Pahlavi would not be satisfied with only this. For a period of time, his fierce enemy became the country's prime minister, Mohammad Mosaddegh (1951–53). The conflict with Mosaddegh would become the most significant challenge for the young shah since his father's abdication. It was a collision of two political wills and two different visions for Iranian development. In addition, there was personal animosity that could no longer be concealed behind impassive smiles and courteous manners.

Mosaddegh pushed ahead forcefully: he slashed budgets for the upkeep of the royal court, confiscated the shah's lands, banned meetings with foreign diplomats, and expelled the shah's sister from the country, suspecting her of undertaking political intrigues and conspiring with foreign embassies. Finally, he held a referendum to dissolve the Majlis and seize full power. His main goal was not just to remove the shah from power but to nationalize the oil fields owned by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, known today as BP.

In response, the British, together with the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), devised Operation Ajax to overthrow the defiant prime minister. They soon succeeded, and Mosaddegh was ousted from power. He was imprisoned for three years before being placed under house arrest at his estate near Tehran, finally passing away in 1967. The oil fields of Iran once again fell under the ownership of British and American companies, and from that point onward, the shah effectively held complete power, despite Iran formally remaining a constitutional monarchy.

After this point, one of the key goals for the new regime became the legitimization of the shah's authority in every possible way. Hence, the idea of the somewhat inexplicable celebration of 2,500 years of royal rule, calculated by court historians based on recent archaeological excavations conducted in the desert, in the former Persian cities of Persepolis and Pasargadae, suddenly emerged. Initially, everything was conceived rather modestly. Museum celebrations were planned as part of the Congress of Orientalists, which would include several exhibitions, including an art exhibition from the Imperial Library and the unveiling of a monument to Emperor Cyrus, who reigned from 559–530 BCE and was the founder of the Achaemenid Persian empire. The concept of the celebrations underwent several radical changes until the shah decided to invite the heads of the foreign states to attend.

Thus, a project that was initially purely scientific and cultural turned political. Of course, the question immediately arose: where would the high-level guests be accommodated? The surroundings of Persepolis were not at all suitable for ‘high-level visits’. The area was literally infested with snakes and scorpions, and something had to be done about that. Before the arrival of the guests, an entire army of herpetologists cleared a 30-square-kilometer area of snakes and arthropods. Even specialists from the Vaccine and Serum Research Institute in Karaj worked to disinfect the area.

There was no time for the construction of expensive residences, and that's how the idea of a tent city came into being. The minister of the court, Alam, formulated the idea: ‘We are merely imitating what our kings have always done when they travelled to inhospitable places, and everything else also corresponds to the traditions of our nomadic ancestors.’

The shah liked the idea as he had always been fond of a quote from Plutarch describing the royal tent abandoned by Darius III.1¹The tent of Darius IIIGreek historian Plutarch in the first to second centuries CE described the impression Alexander the Great had upon seeing the lifestyle of Darius: ‘When Alexander, who captured this tent, saw all kinds of vessels, jugs, bowls, and flasks for perfumes, all skillfully made of pure gold, when he smelled the wonderful scent of fragrant herbs and other aromas, when he finally entered the tent, astonishing with its size, height, the decoration of beds and tables, King Alexander looked at his friends and said, “This, apparently, is what it means to rule.”’ The deserted tent contained a golden throne, luxurious baths, a floor covered with precious carpets, and golden tableware. The shah proposed that they replicate something similar in a tent city that would spread over 64 hectares at the foot of Persepolis.

The camp itself consisted of the royal tent and fifty guest tents designed by the French company Jansen.2²Maison JansenA French interior design house opened in 1880. It became famous for its historical stylizations of palatial luxury and was very popular among powerful individuals in the twentieth century, from reigning royal figures to President Kennedy. There was also a special club tent and a ‘hairdressing tent’ for high-ranking ladies. In addition, the ‘Royal Village’ included golf courses, billiard rooms, football fields, and pavilions for tea parties for the first ladies. Each individual tent housed a spacious living room, two bedrooms for madame and monsieur, each with its own bathroom and wardrobe. There was also a special residential block for the staff. All of this was supposed to be equipped with the latest technology—with a distinct French accent! The shah loved everything European. He adored Paris, French cuisine, and French fashion. Even when it came to his crown and other precious items for his own coronation in 1967, he had no doubts—only the Parisian jeweler Van Cleef & Arpels would suffice. He didn't compromise his tastes even in Persepolis, despite the wishes of Iranian nationalists.

For six months, the Iranian Air Force sent its planes from Shiraz to Paris for every first request. They delivered exclusive Limoges porcelain embossed with the Pahlavi coat of arms, the finest bed linen from D Porthault and Baccarat crystal. Over 15,000 large trees were imported from Europe to form an entire forest. Within this paradise of shrubbery twittered 50,000 specially imported songbirds, their song harmonious with the chirping of 20,000 sparrows who would soon succumb to the heat and drought.

The menu and treats for the guests were prepared by the finest chefs from the Parisian restaurant Maxim's. Society columnists eagerly reported to their readers about roasted peacocks, foie gras stuffing, crayfish mousse, roasted lambs with truffles, quail eggs stuffed with Iranian caviar. Of course, the wine was exclusively French: the shah ordered 5,000 bottles of Château Lafite Rothschild of the 1945 vintage and 2,500 bottles of premium champagne (Moët & Chandon of the 1911 vintage). The feast was accompanied by the sounds of an orchestra performing the music of Mozart and Schubert. Coffee was served together with Cognac Prince Eugene.

Now, when reading detailed reports of all these unrestrained expenses and luxuries, one cannot help but wonder what the shah and his advisors were hoping to achieve. Did the shah want to astonish the world with such wasteful extravagance? Or did he want to visually demonstrate the success of the so-called White Revolution, a series of reforms aimed at implementing a Western way of life and integrating into the global capitalist system? Or perhaps this was another attempt to escape from the problems that had burdened him since his youth—an inner conflict between his timid, dependent, and weak-willed nature and the role destined for him as an autocratic ruler, a king, the heir of Darius and Cyrus the Great.

There is no definitive answer here, and there cannot be either. Nevertheless, the psychological portrait of Reza Pahlavi turns out to be much more complex than commonly thought. Many factors converged here: his dependency on a domineering mother, the fear of his father, and his evident infatuation with his twin sister, Princess Ashraf. There were also suspicious relations with Ernest Perron, someone Reza Pahlavi brought back from Switzerland after they studied together, whom he accommodated in the Marble Palace. Although no direct evidence of a romantic relationship between the two was ever discovered, the regime's enemies did their best to exploit their friendship to portray the shah as a morally dubious man with hidden agendas.

Reza Pahlavi was unlucky in his first two marriages. His dynastic union with the Egyptian Princess Fawzia (1921–2013) was arranged to forge a political alliance between Iran and Egypt as well as with King Farouk I. However, the spouses were unhappy in the marriage. The princess struggled with the strict customs of the shah's family and the animosity of her mother-in-law, who saw no need to conceal her jealousy for her daughter-in-law. Reza, whenever possible, tried to leave the palace, where these women were at odds. Over time, he began to openly cheat on his wife.

In his book Mission for My Country, Reza Pahlavi admitted that the ‘only happy and bright moment’ of his entire marriage to Fawzia was the birth of their daughter. And so, after seven years, they divorced. Reza himself sincerely believed that women existed solely to indulge men's whims and egos. In this regard, he remained faithful to the position of a classic pasha, the owner of a harem. Throughout the years, he was rumored to have had affairs with famous actresses such as Yvonne De Carlo, Silvana Mangano, and Gene Tierney. 3³Gene Tierney (1920–1991)A Hollywood actress, one of the most beautiful film stars of the twentieth century. The tragic episode of her life (during pregnancy, the actress contracted rubella from a fan, resulting in the birth of a disabled daughter) became the basis for Agatha Christie's novel The Mirror Crack'd from Side to Side, and the film of the same name, where Elizabeth Taylor played the role inspired by Tierney.

His second wife was the beauty Soraya Esfandiary-Bakhtiary (1932–2001), the half-German, half-Iranian daughter of Iran's ambassador to West Germany. It was a marriage born of love, but it also ended in divorce because the shahbanu, the empress consort, was infertile. The verdict of the best doctors in France and Switzerland left the couple with no hope, and the shah even contemplated amending the Constitution to make his younger brother heir to the throne. However, Soraya vehemently opposed this idea. Moreover, shortly thereafter, the shah's brother died in an airplane crash, intensifying the issue of succession.

Soraya's farewell letter, circulated by international media, brought tears to the eyes of housewives across the world. She wrote, ‘Since it is important for Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to have a direct male heir, I sacrifice my own happiness for the welfare of the entire country. Thus, I inform that His Majesty and I are parting ways.’

Mohammad Reza's third and final wife was Farah Diba, the daughter of an Iranian army captain. They married in 1959. Despite their significant age difference, the shah found in Farah what he had been missing in his previous marriages: tranquility, stability, and confidence. To the nation’s joy, they soon became parents: Crown Prince Reza was born on 31 October 1960. Three years later, Princess Farahnaz was born on 12 March 1963. The shah of Iran's family was further expanded with Prince Ali-Reza (1966–2011) and Princess Leila (1970–2001).

At home, the shah and shahbanu preferred to speak French. Farah adored contemporary art, and he preferred light, uncomplicated French comedies and Hollywood action films. However, in general, the tastes and aspirations of the spouses aligned. The progressive and active shahbanu diligently assisted her husband, and had a particular interest in women's rights. She succeeded in enabling Iranian women to uncover their faces, dress in a more European fashion, drive cars, and send their children abroad to be educated. Farah actively participated in Iranian cultural life, promoting young artists, repatriating Iranian works, and patronizing contemporary art in the country.

At the shahbanu's initiative, several museums and art galleries were opened, and the Shiraz Arts Festival, which later gained worldwide recognition, was established. In addition to Iranian artists, prominent Western cultural figures such as Peter Brook, John Cage, Gordon Mumma, David Tudor, and Merce Cunningham participated in the festival over the years.

Farah was deeply concerned about healthcare, particularly with the organization of special settlements and medical centers for people suffering from leprosy. In addition, with her personal support and patronage, dozens of shelter homes were built for nearly 10,000 orphaned children. For all these merits, the Constitutional Assembly of Iran approved an important amendment to the Constitution, according to which, in the event of the premature demise of the shah, Farah would become the regent until the crown prince reached adulthood. This was a significant step as for the first time in Iran's history, a woman was granted the right to the throne.

In 1967, Farah had an official coronation and received the title Nayeb-al-Saltaneh (Vice King). After the ceremony, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi declared: ‘Since I assumed the crown of the oldest monarchy in the world and crowned the Shahbanu of Iran, I feel closer than ever to my beloved and worthy people. I wish and pray that the Almighty God protects this land more than ever.’

With this gesture, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi wanted to show the world that his spouse held a status almost equal to his own. Farah's coronation was also a signal to Iranian society that all women and men should be equally respected, and the position of women should never be diminished or belittled in any way.

According to Reza Pahlavi's plans, Iran would soon become the fifth fastest-growing economy in the world, especially as the external political situation at that time was favorable in terms of reaching this goal. After the Arab–Israeli war in 1973, due to the Western boycott, the prices of black gold soared, and Iran's oil industry was generating a net profit of US$25 billion per year. In light of this, the Shah seriously considered the construction of nuclear power plants to preserve the country's oil and gas wealth.

Reza Pahlavi was a master of political manipulation, a connoisseur, and adept at maintaining a balance between opposing forces. However, despite the outward splendor of the shah's court, the situation in the country was becoming increasingly tense and complex.

On the one hand, the Shiite clergy vehemently opposed the shah's pro-Western reforms. In the eyes of the Iranian clergy, his attempt to rely on the pre-Islamic history of the Persian empire, on kings such as Cyrus and Darius, was blasphemous, undermining Islamic tradition and the influence of the clergy. On the other hand, the leftists, including the communists, demanded that the shah implement reforms following the Soviet model. Finally, the middle class, who constituted no less than 20 per cent of the population, dreamed not only of a proletarian brotherhood but of buying a new apartment and traveling to Paris.

The shah constantly had to maneuver, make compromises, and find ways around various obstacles. He maintained an alliance with the United States while managing not to sour relations with the Soviet Union. He delved into every document brought to him for signing and tirelessly met with government officials, diplomats, journalists, along with traveling extensively through the country. In a sense, he was an ideal administrator, keeping everything under constant control, striving to avoid direct conflicts and resorting to violence only in exceptional cases. Of course, after the revolutions in Egypt, Iraq, and Libya, he became more cautious. The secret police, SAVAK,i"National Organization of Intelligence and Security. created in the 1950s with the assistance of experts from the CIA and Mossad, had unlimited powers to arrest, detain, and interrogate so-called ‘suspects’.

Anything that posed even the slightest threat to the authorities was closely surveilled by the secret police. Not just within Iran—active surveillance was also undertaken on Iranian students abroad. The main figure of opposition and the enemy of the shah's regime, Ayatollah Khomeini, was a particular concern for the authorities. He vehemently opposed the celebration of the 2,500th anniversary of the Persian empire and the change of the Iranian Hijri calendar to the imperial (Shahanshahi) calendar. But at that time, Khomeini was relatively safe in unfriendly Iraq, and so he could openly criticize the shah, recruit new supporters, and refer to the upcoming celebration in Persepolis as the ‘devil's festival’.

Criticism of the upcoming festivities and the shah's rule also came from the West. The voice of Ulrike Meinhof (1934–76), a prominent and talented journalist known as the first pen of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), was the loudest. She later became involved in left-wing terrorism, was arrested, and died in prison.iAccording to the official version, she hanged herself. In 1971, in an open letter to Shahbanu Farah, reprinted in many German newspapers, she criticized the shahbanu's article for the Neue Revue and reminded her of the harsh living conditions of the Iranian people. Meinhof revealed that in Baluchistan and Makran, for example, the majority of Iranians (80 per cent) suffer from congenital syphilis. She pointed out that most Iranian women lose every second child due to hunger, poverty, and disease.

Meinhof wrote, ‘For the peasants of Mahdiabad, the “real Persian feast” consists of straw soaked in water ... They can also survive by eating plant roots and date seeds, but not for long, of course, and not very well, but the starving Iranian peasants try. And they die at the age of thirty (the average lifespan of an Iranian).’ ‘You deliberately failed to notice the “dwellings of the millions below,” for example, you did not notice the 200,000 people living in the southern part of Tehran, in “earth-dug caves and overcrowded clay huts resembling rabbit warrens”,’ wrote The New York Times. ‘Of course, the Shah's police do everything possible to prevent such scenes from offending your gaze. In 1963, when thousands of homeless people were looking for housing in a construction quarry, hundreds of police officers evicted them from there in order not to offend the aesthetic sense of those who travel to the Caspian Sea in the summer. The Shah considers it perfectly acceptable for his subjects to live in such deplorable conditions. He considers it unacceptable for these subjects to come into both his and your view. But the situation in the cities is still relatively tolerable.

‘I saw children,’ we read in travel notes about southern Iran, ‘who, like worms, dug in manure and feed themselves on weeds and rotten fish. Of course, you can legitimately rejoice that these are not your children. But still, they are children. This is how the Shah rules.’

These views of Iran and its people were why it was crucial to have important dignitaries at the ceremony. A new airport was built, and several dozens of brand-new bright red Mercedes vehicles were acquired for their arrival. Every step guests took was monitored by the SAVAK for their security. However, due to security reasons, Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom was forced to decline the invitation. She was represented by her husband, the Duke of Edinburgh, and their daughter, Princess Anne. For various reasons, both U.S. president Richard Nixon and French president Georges Pompidou declined to be present at the festivities, although the shah had counted on their attendance until the last moment. Leonid Brezhnev, the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and leader of the USSR, also did not come. Instead, he sent Nikolai V. Podgorny, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

Among the reigning monarchs at the event were the elderly Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, King Olav V of Norway, King Baudouin of Belgium, and King Frederick IX of Denmark. Exiled rulers were not forgotten either. For example, an invitation was extended to the former King Constantine and Queen Marie of Greece, who were expelled from their country in 1967. This was seen as a symbol of ‘reconciliation between Hellenes and Persians’, once warring nations. The heir of Darius and Cyrus the Great extended a helping hand and support to the heir of Alexander the Great. That's how the Iranian press interpreted the presence of the Greek royal couple in Persepolis.

The guest list turned out to be quite expansive and included presidents and prime ministers from thirty countries. When the shah met each guest, their national anthem was played, and the guard paid a salute. Everything looked very ceremonious. However, observers noted the absence of representatives from neighboring countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia, who were concerned about the shah's plans to control the Persian Gulf. The seating arrangement of the guests at the parade also did not go unnoticed. The shah placed Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia next to him, a gesture of respect for the age and wisdom of the world's oldest monarch. Nikolai V. Podgorny was seated in an honorary position next to the shahbanu, which immediately led experts to draw conclusions about a new trend of rapprochement with the Soviet Union.

The main event of the celebrations was the parade dedicated to the history of the Iranian army from the time of Cyrus the Great to 1971. A month before the parade, all the soldiers and officers of the armed forces received an order: ‘Do not shave!’ Otherwise, they would have to wear fake beards. Costumes, accessories, weapons—everything was recreated from ancient frescoes and reliefs. A tower from the era of the First Dynasty, used to storm fortresses, was reconstructed. Three military ships, resembling those in which Xerxes set sail to conquer Greece in the fifth century BCE, also participated in the parade. Years of preparation and historical research and weeks of rehearsals went into the three-hour-long celebration. However, those hours felt like eternity for the distinguished guests who were exhausted by the heat.

In fact, all such festivities were exclusively intended only for the VIP guests because hardly any Iranians were allowed in Persepolis. The three-day event was broadcast on television, and it gathered a record number of viewers. To be fair, it should be acknowledged that the celebrations in Persepolis were only a part of the development program conceived by the shah. Many long-term investments in the country's infrastructure were made specifically in preparation for the festivities. Schools, roads, communication networks, airports, television stations, and hotels were built and dedicated to those three days in October 1971. However, the critics of the shah preferred not to mention this.

In 2008, Shahbanu Farah was forced to admit that the international resonance of the celebration did not turn out exactly as was intended. She said, ‘Everything went perfectly well, but the foreign press continuously criticized us. And most importantly, what these festivities were organized for was completely ignored and forgotten. All the organizations that were created outside of Iran, for publishing history books, for construction, for more than 2,500 schools, roads, hotels ... Nobody talked about that. Everyone was interested, let's say, in what we ate there ... There were a lot of talks about expenses, the figures of which were later greatly exaggerated. It's hurtful.’

P.S.

Until 1978, the Tent City in Persepolis remained untouched. Most of the birds, of course, did not survive and the trees withered away. For a while, the shah's plans included transforming the city into a luxurious five-star hotel. However, no international hotel chain, no matter how large, was willing to undertake the required expenses due to the high cost of water and electricity.

With the downfall of the shah's regime, the Tent City in Persepolis fell into complete decline and disrepair. Many tents were looted or burned, and in 1982, the economic structures were turned into a military camp. For a period of time, they served as barracks for soldiers during the height of the war between Iran and Iraq, and the bulletproof windows were used as targets for shooting practice. After the end of the war, the Tent City quickly turned into a dead city of shadows and bare metal frameworks—all that remained of the shah's tents, once considered the pinnacle of modern luxury and Eastern splendor.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was not destined to return to his homeland. A year and a half after his forced exile from the country, he would die in the summer of 1980. His widow, the former empress of Iran, Farah, has been living in exile for over forty years, dividing her time between Paris and Washington D.C., where her eldest son, Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi, resides. In 2001, her youngest daughter, thirty-three-year-old Princess Leila, died of a drug overdose. Eleven years later, her younger son, Ali Reza, took his own life at the age of forty-four after struggling with prolonged depression for several years.

In one of her interviews, Farah confessed that her cherished desire is ‘freedom for Iran’. The former queen continues to closely monitor the events in Iran and takes pride in the achievements of her courageous compatriots in the struggle for gender equality. She once said: ‘I want to forever maintain hope and prevent bitterness in my heart. I always say that light can overcome any darkness. Even if I am not there, I believe that my children and grandchildren will someday reap the fruits of these efforts.’

P.P.S

I recall my personal meetings with Queen Farah that gave me more insight into her life. She has been living in Paris for a long time. This was the city of her youth—she studied at the Architectural College, and it was there that her future husband, Shah Reza Pahlavi, first saw her. However, at that time, he was still married to Princess Soraya Bakhtiary, whom they called ‘the shahbanu with sad eyes’ in Tehran. She suffered from various illnesses and was apparently infertile. The shah had to divorce her, and he then chose the young beauty Farah Diba, who came from a wealthy and respected family he had met in Paris.

It was Queen Farah’s impeccable French and not just her title that became her ticket to high Parisian society. She belongs to the generation of the last grand dames who can still be encountered strolling in the Luxembourg Gardens or the Bois de Boulogne, but more often at funeral masses in the cathedrals of Saint-Sulpice, Madeleine, or Saint-Roch.

I first saw her at the funeral of the great designer Yves Saint Laurent. She stood on the steps of the staircase leading to the central entrance of the Church of Saint-Roch, with that sorrowful yet triumphant look that is only acquired through years of worldly education and public mourning. She stood out from the crowd not only because of her height but also because of the noble bearing and proud grace with which she carried herself, responding to numerous greetings and bows. It was evident from the respectful deference shown by high-ranking guests, including the president of France Nicolas Sarkozy, as they made way for her, that Shahbanu Farah was not just a legendary celebrity but, in a sense, the symbol of an era, the last heroine among the main protagonists directly involved in the tumultuous and terrifying history of the twentieth century.

In December 1978, the shah's family was forced to leave Iran. ‘I tried not to lose hope and not think that it was truly the end,’ Farah recalled. ‘But I will never forget the tears in the shah’s eyes as our plane took off.’ The shah’s former friends and allies, who had only recently sworn eternal loyalty, turned away from them. No one wanted to provide shelter for the fatally ill deposed monarch and his family. Enraged crowds of fanatics chanted their curses and slogans under the windows of where they sought temporary refuge. Western leaders delivered evasive and deceitful speeches, the true meaning of which boiled down to one crystal clear meaning: the presence of the former shah and shahbanu in their countries was undesirable, and any contact with them was dangerous and fraught with trouble for the receiving side. Thus, it would be better if they discreetly disappeared.

But disappearing discreetly was not an option. Often, with temperatures of up to 40°C, the half-alive shah was subjected to a blitz of journalistic attention. Reporters from around the world stood guard at the entrances of the hospitals where he was undergoing treatment or at the airports from where they were supposed to fly elsewhere again. There is a photograph of the shah and shahbanu standing together among some boulders and stones on Contadora Island, like two wounded birds, refugees caught off guard by someone's relentless camera.

From the very beginning, Farah knew that the shah's diagnosis was fatal. She fought until the very end, demonstrating to the world her absolute courage, devotion, and fearlessness. After burying the shah in 1980, Farah spent some time in the United States, where her eldest son, the Crown Prince Reza Cyrus Pahlavi, was studying. One day, she had to fill out some official documents. At the immigration office, she was not recognized, and the clerk reviewing her papers asked, ‘Are you married?’ Upon learning that her husband had passed away, the clerk filled in the corresponding field: ‘Widow’. Then the clerk inquired if Farah had a steady job. She had to admit that she did not. And so, the clerk wrote ‘Unemployed’.

Not far from Tehran, a majestic three-meter bronze statue of Shahbanu Farah Pahlavi was erected. During the revolution, an enraged mob tried to smash it into pieces, but the sculpture turned out to be surprisingly sturdy. In the end, they had to simply throw it into the lake. This story amused even Farah, who said: ‘Believe me, this is a very relative pleasure to be considered a legend during one's lifetime. But, you know, I like this idea that someday they will lift me up from the bottom of that lake so that all my compatriots see what I was like.’