THE EVOLUTION OF THE KURULTAI

Exactly 820 years ago, on the banks of the Onon River in what is now northeastern Mongolia, the most famous kurultai in history was convened, an event widely regarded as a turning point in world history. The decisions taken there, and the far-reaching consequences that followed, continue to influence political and cultural developments across Eurasia to this day. At this kurultai, representatives of Mongol and Turkic tribes proclaimed the remarkable Temüjin the supreme ruler of all tribes, granting him the honorary title of Chinggis Khan.

In accordance with ancient Turko-Mongol tradition, the kurultai’s recognition of Temüjin’s authority brought into force a new legal order. With his elevation, the Great Yassa of Chinggis Khan, often described as the Law of Great Power, was proclaimed, establishing the principles that would govern the emerging empire.

Thus began not only the era of the great Chinggis Khan—world conqueror and founder of the Mongol Empire, which was the largest contiguous empire in world history—but also the history of the word ‘kurultai’. From that moment on, with its Mongolian suffix, the term spread across Eurasia and has survived to the present day, even though the institution itself traces its origins back more than 2000 years.

From the proto-Turks onward, supreme authority and its symbolic legitimacy were built around the sacred concept of the TöreiThe Töre was the sacred customary law and code of conduct in practice among ancient Turkic and Mongol peoples.. Each new ruler, upon ascending the throne, publicly affirmed their commitment to the laws and traditions embodied in this principle. Respect for the Töre was regarded as both a duty of the subjects and a moral obligation of the ruler himself.

Contrary to enduring stereotypes, the legitimacy of political power in nomadic states did not rest solely on a leader's charisma or military strength. Instead, it was grounded in the principles of justice and lawfulness symbolized by the Töre. The kurultai functioned as the highest authority safeguarding these principles, ensuring that power was recognized not just through force, but through collective consent and adherence to accepted norms. Although its name, powers, and procedures varied across regions and eras, the kurultai consistently played a central role in validating political authority. It is, therefore, hardly surprising that even the ‘Conqueror of the Universe’, the formidable Amir Timur, who struck fear across Eurasia, did not dare breach the laws of the Great Steppe. At the kurultai, he refrained from claiming the title of khan, accepting the more modest designation of Guragan, meaning the son-in-law of the khan, instead.

Thus, in the ancient Turkic states, there were three sources of the highest legal norms, that is, of Töre: the decrees of the khagani ‘Khagan’ was the imperial title for the supreme ruler of a nomadic empire, equivalent to ‘khan of khans’.; the legal customs and traditions of the Turks; and the laws adopted by the kurultai. The most consequential decisions—whether it was the election of a new ruler, the declaration of war, or the ratification of international agreements—were taken solely by the kurultai, and without its endorsement, these lacked legitimacy. This is particularly striking given that steppe empires are often associated with great and charismatic rulers and military leaders, figures normally surrounded by an aura of absolute power.

A defining feature of ancient Turkic kurultais, which distinguished them from other historical assemblies and councils, was the breadth and complexity of their functions and authority. The kurultai exercised not only legislative and consultative roles but also judicial powers. Moreover, as a gathering of tribal nobility and military commanders, the kurultai also functioned as the supreme military headquarters. Both before the launch of military campaigns and during active operations, the ruler could convene the kurultai to coordinate and adjust strategic decisions, as well as to deliberate on interstate agreements or the terms of a truce.

All members of the tribal nobility and the state elite participated in the kurultais, giving the assembly a composition that was both socially broad and functionally diverse. Some represented the military sphere—commanders of tribal forces—while others were officials, advisers, and members of the clergy. Women also took part in the kurultais and, from the time of the Xiongnu onward, they could even preside over them. As various historical sources indicate, both the khagan and all participants of the kurultai expressed their opinions freely and engaged in active deliberation on the matters at hand, a process that could continue for several days before a final decision was reached.

The eleventh-century Turkic thinker Yusuf Balasaguni, also known as Yusuf Khass HajibiYusuf Balasaguni was an eleventh-century Central Asian Turkic poet and statesman from the Karakhanid Empire., articulated this ethos in his work, one of the first great pieces of Islamic Turkic literature, Kutadgu Bilig (Wisdom of Royal Glory):

By tradition, except in extraordinary circumstances—such as war or the death of a khagan—the kurultai was convened regularly at fixed intervals that mirrored the cyclical rhythms of nomadic life. These kurultais were convened three times per year: at the start of the year for religious ceremonies and the settlement of major legal and administrative matters; in the fifth month to review ongoing state affairs and deliberate on amendments to the law; and in autumn, in September, primarily to prepare for war, including the assessment and organization of troops and horses, as well as the planning of military campaigns.

Naturally, the kurultais addressed not only military and legal matters but also economic and political issues. Economic and political issues featured prominently, including the organization of nomadic movements, the allocation of pastures, and the plans of particular tribes or clans to migrate to new territories. Matters such as uprisings and the voluntary submission of neighboring peoples to the khagan were also deliberated separately.

On certain occasions, the kurultais exercised judicial functions, though only in cases of exceptional importance. Such an occasion, for example, could involve the trial of an enemy general among the Xiongnu, or, in the case of Ghazan Khan, the Mongol ruler of Iran, the trial of his own generals who had been defeated in battle in Syria.

Perhaps the most defining function of the kurultai—whether in the Xiongnu Empire, the Turkic khaganates, or the Mongol Empire—was how the ruler was elected and confirmed. Participation in this process was mandatory for the tribal nobility and state elite, reflecting the sacred authority of the assembly. The decisions of the kurultai carried such weight that abstention was tantamount to rejection of the assembly’s authority. Exceptions, such as military campaigns or serious illness, were acknowledged, but even then, those unable to appear were expected to notify the ruler and send a representative in their place.

If beksiBek is a Turkic title meaning ‘chieftain’ or ‘ruler’, equivalent to bey, historically used for local leaders and nobles in Central Asia under various khanates., tribal leaders, high-ranking officials, or rulers’ relatives were absent from these kurultais, it was considered a breach of loyalty. This could prompt immediate judicial action, often resulting in severe punishment including execution. This obligation extended to women as well: similarly, the wives, sisters, and daughters of rulers and their close associates were also expected to participate.

However, the most important function of the kurultais was the election of a ruler—whether it was a shanyui‘Shanyu’ was the supreme title for the ruler of the Xiongnu nomadic confederation, equivalent to ‘emperor’ in their steppe empire., khagan, great khan, or sultan—and the process, along with its associated symbolism, changed little from the time of the Xiongnu Empire, through the Turkic khaganates and the Mongol Empire, to the Kazakh Khanate. Nearly the same rituals were observed, including the inauguration, the homage paid to the newly elected ruler, and his elevation onto a white felt throne, a practice that endured for over a thousand years.

The legitimization of a ruler’s authority, even the most powerful and majestic, exclusively through election at the kurultai became such a foundational legal tradition across Eurasia that at various times, usurpers and pretenders sought to convene their own kurultais. Historically, in the absence of heirs following a ruler’s death, the kurultai could elect a leader from outside the ruling dynasty, and the legitimacy of the new khagan was never questioned.

The election of a ruler at the kurultai is often perceived as a mere formality or symbolic gesture, especially in cases where the candidate’s right to rule was widely accepted and faced little or no opposition. In reality, however, the selection process could last for years, during which the widows of previous rulers effectively governed the empire. Moreover, the political maneuvers and intrigues of Batu Khan, the son of Jochi, in his attempt to influence the election of Möngke as ‘Great Khan’ during the grand kurultai at Karakorum in 1251, resemble a carefully orchestrated political strategy more than a formal ceremony. This episode is described in detail by the renowned Persian historian and statesman Rashid al-Din in his famous work Jami' al-tawarikh (Compendium of Chronicles).

The institution of the kurultai among Turkic and Mongol peoples originated in the pre-Islamic period, with its roots reaching back more than two thousand years to the Xiongnu Empire. Depending on the period and the state, it could be called by different names: kengesh (кеңес), kurultai, and even toyiA toy is a celebration, feast, or social gathering, often marking a special occasion.. Indeed, the very word toy, beloved in modern usage, originated from the celebrations held during the kurultais. For instance, the famous traveler Ibn Battuta referred to it as a toy.

But regardless of their specific names, all kurultais throughout history have fulfilled the same fundamental function: the affirmation of laws and the legitimization of authority. It is, therefore, not surprising that the nineteenth-century French orientalist Léon Cahun described the kurultais as ‘an annually convened parliament’. Indeed, as the renowned historian Mikhail Khudyakov noted, it was the kurultais of the Kazan Khanate—referred to in Russian chronicles as the assembly of ‘all the land of Kazan’—that became the prototype for the Zemsky Sobor, the assembly of the nobility and clergy of the Russian tsardom convened to discuss political, economic, and administrative matters.

This millennia-old tradition of legality and statehood continues to serve as a legal reference point across Central Asia even today. For example, in Mongolia, the parliament is called the Ulsyn Ikh Khural, or the Great State Khural, a name derived from the word khuraldai, which is the Mongolian form of kurultai. In the Republic of Turkiye (Turkey), meanwhile, party congresses have been known as kurultays (kurultay) since the time of Mustafa Kemal AtatürkiMustafa Kemal Atatürk was the founder and first president of modern Turkey, introducing sweeping secularizing and modernizing reforms..