THE ADVENTURES OF THE ITALIANS IN CENTRAL ASIA

Over time, however, the Holy Land became less suitable for commerce. The crusaders were in a state of constant war with the surrounding Muslim states, and starting from the second half of the twelfth century, their territories began to shrink steadily. In 1291, the last coastal cities fell. The Mamluks,iThe Mamluks, literally meaning ‘slave soldiers’, were a military class in Egypt recruited from enslaved peoples primarily of Turkic originwho had unified Egypt and Syria, raised duties for Christian merchants to 20 or even 30 per cent of the value of their goods. To make matters worse, the pope threatened to excommunicate anyone trading with the enemies of Christianity.

Along with an increase in the scale and volume of trade, new phenomena in economic life, familiar to us to this day, appeared, such as the first stock exchanges and banks. For Italian merchants who regularly traveled with money and goods, minimizing risks and potential losses was crucial, leading to the creation of the first joint-stock companies and insurance companies. Other changes were also occurring in people's attitudes: for instance, whereas the church had previously considered usury a mortal sin, permissible only for Jews and non-believers, the general attitude toward it became more tolerant.iUsury was perceived as a sin at this time nonetheless. For instance, the famous banker and de facto ruler of Florence Cosimo de' Medici the Elder was tormented by guilt over his profession even in the fifteenth century

In this discussion, we will often use the generalized and somewhat conventional term ‘Italians’ or ‘Italian merchants’. However, medieval Italy was not a unified state, and its inhabitants were unlikely to perceive themselves as a single nation. Italy was divided into dozens of states, including kingdoms, republics, cities, and dioceses, which often fought among themselves. In the Middle Ages, the two dominant maritime trading powers of the Apennine peninsula, Venice and Genoa,iOther important trading cities include Pisa, Florence, and Amalfiwere constantly embroiled in a tense and intricate rivalry, which frequently erupted into war. This does not mean, however, that the citizens of these city-states had nothing in common. They were united by a similar culture and a shared legal system, and they spoke closely related dialects. Far from home, they often cooperated and made agreements, realizing and capitalizing on their shared interests.

In short, the economic life of Italian cities was booming, and merchants set out to find new trade routes and markets. Even before the fall of the last crusader states in the Holy Land, the Venetians and Genoese managed to establish themselves on the shores of the Black Sea, where the northwestern branch of the Great Silk Road ended. In the fourteenth century, it was precisely there that the main interests of the trading republics shifted.

As a result of the Mongol conquests in the thirteenth century, a vast empire of Chinggis Khan's descendants emerged, uniting a significant part of Eurasia. Of course, the Mongols destroyed many trade centers and temporarily paralyzed the economic life of entire regions, but within just a few decades, once the dust had settled, they created a reliable communication system that connected almost all of Asia. Additionally, a period of peace, sometimes referred to as Pax Tatarica or Pax Mongolica (the Tatar or Mongol peace), was established across these lands for nearly a century. Trade routes were now securely guarded, and people could feel safe—at least by medieval standards. As a result, ambassadors, missionaries, and merchants immediately headed east. The most famous of these travelers were the papal envoy Giovanni da Pian del Carpini and the Venetian merchant Marco Polo.

The low trade duties in the Chinggisid states were particularly appealing to Italian merchants. According to historical documents, we know that the khans of the Golden Horde charged merchants no more than 3 per cent, and in rare cases 5 per cent, of the value of their goods.iIt should be noted, though, that many merchants were able to ‘wriggle out’ of paying even such reasonable levies

And the profits from the direct trade with China and India were truly staggering. Individuals who managed to execute these deals profited enormously, with returns often exceeding 100 per cent many times over.

So, what would you do if you were a citizen of an Italian city and eager to embark on a journey to the fabled East to seek its immense riches? That's where specialized literature came in handy. We know of quite a few medieval guides for merchants, and perhaps the most famous is the Pratica della Mercatura (The Practice of Commerce, also known as The Merchant’s Handbook), written by the Florentine merchant and banker Francesco Balducci Pegolotti. This book, likely written around 1340, reflects the realities of doing business in the first half of the fourteenth century. Pegolotti provides a wealth of important information about international trade. He describes the customs duties in various locations, the currencies and units of weight used, and offers advice on what goods to buy and sell in the different parts of the known world. However, the most fascinating part of the Pratica is the specific advice on how to conduct oneself while traveling.

We should mention briefly that for a long time, historians viewed Pegolotti’s work with some skepticism. He was suspected of mindlessly compiling the works of his predecessors and unreliable second-hand accounts. However, while Pegolotti’s work does indeed draw on earlier writings, much of the information he presents has been confirmed by other historical documents and independent sources.i Bischoff J.P. ‘Pegolotti: An Honest Merchant?’, Journal of European Economic History; 6 , No. 1. 1977. 103–8

Pegolotti provides detailed instructions on how to travel from Italy to China via the Black Sea region and Central Asia. But before setting off, of course, you must purchase European goods to trade for Eastern products. It’s worth noting that merchants of that time could also trade using money or engaging in good old-fashioned bartering.

Pegolotti recommends buying both fine and coarse felt. Just as Eastern cotton and silk fabrics were prized in Europe, woolen fabrics were in demand in China. But woolen cloth was not the only product Europeans took to Asia. For instance, in 1338, the Venetians sent a valuable technological innovation—tower mechanical clocks—to Delhi via Central Asia. European bells and certain types of weaponry, such as Italian crossbows, were also in demand in the East.

So, after stocking up on goods, one would board a ship and sail to Crimea. Here, two powerful Italian maritime republics—Genoa and Venice—had long competed for control over the lucrative trade with the East. By the late twelfth century, the Venetians had established themselves at the mouth of the Don River, where they founded their trading postiA trading post was a trading settlement established by foreign merchants on the territory of another state or colonyof Tana (modern-day Azov, or Azak, as it was called by the Turks). Later, the Genoese also secured a foothold in Tana. In 1266, the governor of Crimea under the Golden Horde granted the Genoese permission to establish a trading post in Caffa (modern-day Feodosia), which became one of the largest port cities of its time.

Although the Italian merchants generally tried to maintain friendly relations with the khans of the Golden Horde and their regional governors (darughas), conflicts occurred quite regularly. For instance, in 1343, around the same time that Pegolotti was writing his guide, Tana was completely destroyed by the forces of Khan Jani Beg. The catalyst for this conflict was a story that many contemporary sources, from Venetian chroniclers to the Byzantine Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos, recounted in different ways.

In its most basic form, the story goes that a Venetian had a quarrel with a prominent member of the Horde named Khodja Omar,iIn the transcription of the original Venetian source, this name is ‘Choacaamar’who struck him, either with his fist or a whip. The Venetian, unwilling to let the insult stand, escalated the situation, resulting in Omar's death. In retaliation, the khan’s army captured Tana and expelled all the Italians from their lands, with many merchants being taken captive and languishing in prisons for years. The crisis was resolved with great difficulty—Jani Beg’s forces laid siege to Genoese-held Caffa for several years, though unsuccessfully. At the same time, an outbreak of the plague struck the khan's army, compelling him to retreat. However, the plague also entered Caffa and spread to Western Europe from there. This outbreak, known as the Black Death, according to various estimates, claimed between one-third and one-half of the population of Western Europe.

While not all encounters resulted in catastrophe, the Europeans in Eastern lands lived with a constant undercurrent of anxiety. Venetians openly wrote that Tana was ‘at the edge of the earth, in the jaws of our enemies.’i ‘Ad confinia mundi et in faucibus inimicorum nostrorum’. See Karpov C. P. Modus vivendi of the residents of the Venetian trading post in Tana (Аzov) в XIV–XV вв. // Russian History. № 3. 2016 – с. 27-32.In fact, as they ventured farther east, some Italians, even in good health, preferred to draft a will with a local notary before proceeding.

And so, if you followed Pegolotti's guide, you arrived from Italy at the mouth of the Don. Here, it was essential to hire a translatoriIn Pegolotti’s original text, the word ‘turcimanni’ was likely derived from the Arabic word ‘tarjumān’ meaning ‘translator’ or ‘interpreter’and at least two servants who spoke the ‘Cuman’ language, or the Turkic dialect spoken by most of the population of the Golden Horde. In his writing, Pegolotti warns that travelers should ensure that they get a translator as a good interpreter would bring great profit, while a poor one would result in significant losses. Another crucial recommendation was to grow a long beard and, under no circumstances, shave. Pegolotti and his commentators don't explain why this was the case, but it’s likely that in Muslim Central Asia, it was customary to have a beard, and a bearded man was seen as more respectable.

In Tana, it was also advisable to take a woman with you. Pegolotti notes that while it is possible to do without one, a woman will brighten the journey, and a merchant will command more respect if accompanied by a woman who knows the Cuman language. Thus, many merchants did indeed acquire such female companions, even though they often had lawful wives waiting for them at home. After all, the journey to China was long—according to Pegolotti, it took 284 days to get there.

However, some merchants occasionally got into trouble due to their excessive fascination with Eastern women. For instance, in 1362, while in Turkestan, the merchant Franceschino di Nodero spent 1,500 bezantsiA bezant was a gold coin with a weight of about four gramson his companion, whom he called Franceschina. His expenses were so great that he was unable to pay off his debts later and had to fabricate being robbed along the way. Unfortunately for Franceschino, witnesses disproved this version of events, and the unlucky Italian lover had to confess his crimes.

The need for familial warmth often led merchants, who spent long periods in the East, to different forms of cohabitation. For instance, according to various surviving wills, it sometimes happened that the majority of a deceased merchant’s estate was left not to his legal wife in Italy but to the ‘servant’ who had been with him. Occasionally, Italians also fully integrated into the local environment and took a wife from the local population. Documents from the fourteenth century tell the story of a Genoese merchant from Tana called Antonio Chinazi, who, together with his wife, Kulmelik, arranged the marriage of their daughter Beymelik. Both Antonio’s wife and daughter bore Muslim names, which suggests they may not even have been baptized. More often than not, however, Italians married baptized Tatar women, and in such cases, documents frequently preserved both names of the bride. For example, the Venetian Francesco Olbano was married to a woman named Khutlu, who was baptized as Elizabeth.

But now let’s return to how to make the journey to China. Once you’d gathered all the necessary supplies in Tana, your next destination would be Haji-Tarkhan (modern-day Astrakhan, and in Pegolotti’s original text, this was written as Gintarchan). You could travel either by camel or by ox-drawn carts, with the first option being twice as fast. Pegolotti notes that one didn’t need to worry about food along the way—meat could be easily purchased from the herders en route. However, it was best to stock up on bread and salted fish in Tana. This is an interesting remark, highlighting the significant role fish played in the Italian diet at the time.

In the steppe, a merchant would encounter many armed Mongols, but there was no cause for fear. Pegolotti writes that neither the merchant nor his goods were in danger day or night. Of course, The Practice of Commerce only reflects the situation of the 1330s during the Pax Mongolica. In the following decades, when a long struggle for the throne of the khanate erupted in the Horde, travel through the Central Asian steppes would no longer be as safe.

According to Pegolotti, from Haji-Tarkhan, the merchant’s route continues up the Volga to Sarai,iSarai is referred to as ‘Sara’ in Pegolotti’s textthe capital of the Golden Horde. However, if a merchant arrived at the Volga in cold weather, he could be stuck there for a long time. Documents tell the stories of Venetian merchants heading to Delhi through Haji-Tarkhan who were forced to winter there due to bad weather. To cover their losses, they had to cut and sell their cloth right there at much lower prices than they would have received in Delhi.

From Sarai, the journey leads to Saray-Jük, which was one of the largest cities of the Golden Horde; its ruins are near modern Atyrau.iSaray-Jük is referred to as Saracanco in Pegolotti’s text Pegolotti recommends taking a water route along the Volga, the Caspian Sea, and the Ural River as it would be cheaper.

It’s unlikely that the Volga and the Caspian Sea would come to mind for the modern person when thinking about Italian sailors. Yet, we know that the Venetians and Genoese not only traded there but apparently also engaged in piracy in the area during the fourteenth century. There is evidence that at the very end of the century, the Genoese dragged several warships from the Don to the Volga. However, at times, Italians themselves fell victim to robbers or local authorities—thus, the security that Pegolotti wrote about was still quite relative. For instance, in 1333, a Venetian merchant called Hasan Marcello complained that he had been robbed on the Volga by Özbeg Khan’s men.Even though the merchant's name might sound Muslim, we shouldn't jump to conclusions. It was likely the result of a trend from the fourteenth century. It was fashionable for noble families in Italy to give their children Eastern names.

After reaching Saray-Jük, you would head toward Urgench,iUrgench is referred to as ‘Organci’ in Pegolotti’s texta journey that took about twenty days. Along the way, you could stop at various caravanserais, which were enclosed areas with inns, camel stables, and warehouses for goods. Here, one could not only rest but also trade, learn about the changes in prices or duties, and exchange news with fellow merchants. In the trading settlements of the Horde, archeologists have found numerous tandyr (tandoor) ovens, water supply systems, and hammams (bathhouses).

Urgench was an extremely wealthy trading city, and a trader could potentially sell their goods there. But for those seeking even greater profits, the onward journey beckoned. After Urgench, there were different routes to choose from—those who wished to trade in India headed south to Delhi, while those going to China continued east to Otrar,iOtrar is referred to as ‘Oltarre’ in Pegolotti’s textthen to Almalyq (modern-day Bishkek), and finally entered China. Pegolotti mentions that this segment of the journey would take about 155 days.

It’s hard to say precisely how merchants passed the time during such long trips. However, according to the accounts of medieval travelers and pilgrims, such as the knight Arnold von Harff of Cologne, it was pleasant to travel with merchants since they were good company.

According to Pegolotti, a merchant could be very unlucky if, during a long journey, the ruling khan were to die, triggering a transition of power. In this unstable period, a merchant could easily be robbed or subjected to various forms of mistreatment. Another danger the Florentine cautions is if the merchant himself dies along the way. In that case, the local ruler would likely seize his goods. An attempt could be made to dispute this decision if the deceased merchant's brother or close relative happened to be nearby and could claim the inheritance. However, if no such person was present, Pegolotti offered a small ‘hack’—a companion who knew the deceased well and could try to pose as his brother. These tricks, however, didn’t always work. For instance, in 1390, the Venetian senate was troubled by the fact that the ruler of northern Iran had confiscated the property of a Venetian merchant who had died there and was holding his nephew captive.

In China, the destination for an Italian merchant was the city of KhanbaliqiPegolotti calls this city Cambalecor Beijing, where the court of the Mongol ruler from the Yuan dynasty was located. Pegolotti describes Khanbaliq as a city of incredible size, with a circumference of one hundred miles. This is clearly an exaggeration, but it shows how astonished medieval Italians were when they found themselves in the Middle Kingdom. European and Middle Eastern travelers were amazed by the size of China’s population and its road system, which enabled quick and convenient travel. According to Ibn Battuta, the famous fourteenth-century Berber traveler, China was the most convenient and safest country in which to travel—one could journey from one city to another alone, carrying a large sum of money, without fearing for their safety. Once again, we can see that the same stability and relative safety of travel was made possible by the Pax Mongolica.

Pegolotti writes that once in China, a European merchant must exchange their coins for the local paper money. These were called ‘balisci’ and were yellow slips of paper with the seal of the local ruler. The Florentine reassures the reader that these can be used just like silver and are valued no less than their metal equivalents. In general, paper money, invented in China, was an incredible curiosity for Europeans of that time, so much so that, at first, many refused to believe in its existence.

In his text, Pegolotti advises purchasing a particular type of silk in China, which he calls ‘cammocca’, which is likely a woven silk fabric known as ‘camoca’ or damask. Another valuable item he recommended merchants to acquire was ‘nacchetti’, which appears to be a silk fabric interwoven with gold threads. After stocking up on these expensive textiles, they could then prepare for the return journey to Europe, which would again take almost a whole year.

Pegolotti's book describes the trade between Italians and Central Asia and China at its peak. However, by the 1340s, a crisis had struck: Venice and Genoa entered a prolonged war with the Golden Horde, which paralyzed the European trade with the East for a long time. Meanwhile, a black plague epidemic swept across the world. Shortly after, the Horde experienced what Russian chronicles called the Great Tumult, a dynastic crisis with constant changes in rulers that lasted from 1359 to 1380. Under these conditions of ongoing instability and civil strife in the steppe, trade with China and Central Asia significantly declined as it was too risky to travel there.

At the end of the fourteenth century, there was a brief respite—Khan Tokhtamysh united the Golden Horde for nearly two decades. However, by 1395, the famous Central Asian conqueror Timur ravaged the Italian trading posts, and trade in expensive Eastern goods shrank significantly, though it did not disappear entirely.

With the breakdown of regular trade with China, the regional trade in the Black Sea basin gained more importance. The primary commodity in this region became slaves. Contrary to the common stereotype, people in the Middle Ages actively bought and sold slaves, perhaps no less than in antiquity. The need for slaves became especially acute after the Black Death, the plague that ravaged the world in the second half of the fourteenth century. In 1367, the famous poet Petrarch noted in a letter to the archbishop of Genoa that Italy was literally flooded with ‘Scythian’, or Tatar, slaves.

While people could still make their fortunes from the slave trade, the profit from such expeditions had dwindled to tens rather than hundreds of per cent. Italians were actively involved in the capture of ‘live goods’ as well. The merchant Giosafat Barbaro wrote that in the fifteenth century, Venetians, together with the Tatars, organized raids on the Zikhs, the peoples of the Western Caucasus, with the aim of capturing slaves.

Over time, even this business opportunity disappeared as the Balkans, the Middle East, and the Black Sea region were taken over by the Ottoman Empire, a powerful new force that was not particularly friendly to Italian merchants. After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, the Turks completely cut off access to the Black Sea for the Venetians and Genoese.

Genoa's attempts to maintain connections with its overseas possessions by land were unsuccessful, and in 1475, Sultan Mehmed II finally subjugated the Italian possessions in Crimea and the Sea of Azov. Soon after, the traditional Asian trade routes also fell into decline. At the very end of the fifteenth century, the Portuguese discovered a direct sea route to India, and the Genoese Christopher Columbus, under the Spanish flag, reached the shores of the New World.

It is possible that if Italian merchants had not traded in the East, we wouldn't have Renaissance painting—at least not in the form we know today. The fact is that many of the pigments that painters used to create their paints were sourced from Central Asia and the Middle East. The most famous of these pigments is lapis lazuli, derived from the mineral lazurite, which was mined in Central Asia. The blue pigment was even named ‘ultramarine’, meaning ‘overseas’ or ‘brought from beyond the sea’. Some other colors of paint were referred to in Italy at the time as ‘Venetian goods’, imported from the East by Venetian merchants. Thus, these daring, enterprising, and morally ambiguous medieval businessmen helped bring to life the masterpieces of Titian and Raphael.

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