MUSLIM EUROPE: THE EXPERIENCE OF WAR AND PEACE

In reality, the Reconquista was a military–colonization movement. Initially, it consisted of small clashes between Christian northerners and Muslim troops. Subsequently, there were sporadic victories in alliance with the Franks, which led to the Christianization of Barcelona and Girona. Two centuries later, in the eleventh century, the Christians learned to defeat the Muslims: King Alfonso I of Aragon took Zaragoza, and King Alfonso VI of Castile captured Toledo. These victories reflected the shifts in the overall geopolitical power dynamics in the Mediterranean. It was finally in the eleventh century that the Latin world felt capable of asserting itself at sea and in trade, directly competing with the Islamic world. The First Crusade, the Norman conquest of Sicily,iIn the 11th century, the Normans captured Sicily, which had been held by the Arabs. and the Spanish successes are links in a chain of events—Europe was maturing.

However, the Christians’ first significant victory in Spain required an alliance of forces from Castile, Aragon, Navarre, Portugal, French crusaders, and spiritual–military orders.iassociations of knights who took monastic vows. They were established under the guidance of the Catholic Church during the Crusades in the 11th and 12th centuries to combat Muslims in the Middle East and to protect pilgrims.. In the famous Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212, the Christians dealt a crushing blow to the Almohad forces. It is often claimed that this battle was a decisive one in the trajectory of the Reconquista and was followed by the irreversible expulsion of Muslims from the Iberian Peninsula. In reality, as we already know, it took another 270 years for the final "expulsion of Muslims". But it is true that the thirteenth century did significantly change the balance of power in the region: the major taifas became vassals of the Christian kings or surrendered under their pressure. Cordoba and Seville became Castilian, Valencia passed to the Crown of Aragon, and Murcia became Christian, while all of the southwestern lands of the peninsula became Portuguese.

So what happened to the Muslims? Were they all killed or expelled without exception? Did all those people who, for centuries, created the alluringly rich world of al-Andalus for Christians—cultivating fields and planting gardens, building ships and palaces, crafting the finest armor and breeding Arab steeds, weaving delicate fabrics and producing fragrant soaps—simply vanish? And did people from the north replace them in the empty cities and villages or in the markets and ports?

Such an apocalyptic scenario can be easily painted in the imagination of our contemporaries, shaped by the experiences of world wars with their weapons of mass destruction, artistic depictions of nuclear winters, and alien invasions. The medieval civilization, of course, did not have such experiences and, in general, treated human life much more cautiously simply because giving birth to and raising a child to adulthood was much more challenging than it is now. The value of human life and the attention to human resources in traditional times were determined by the political agenda of those in power.

In simpler terms, the Christian kings, when embarking on campaigns against the moors, dreamed not only of conquered lands but also of rich trophies, tributes in gold, or numerous new subjects who would pay taxes into the treasury and serve in their armies. Muslims—or the Saracens or Moors, as they were called then—were an intriguing group as taxpayers because they could be subjected to higher taxes than the Christian population. Additionally, extraordinary payments could be imposed on them when deemed necessary. It should be noted that these necessities arose whenever celebrations for a coronation, royal weddings, victorious military campaigns or preparations for a military expedition were planned. They also could come from the acquisition of new lands by the crown.

However, the pragmatism of Christian rulers invariably prevailed. Uninhabited land could not generate income, and the resettlement of Muslim cities and villages by Christians from the north did not solve the problem on such a large scale. Starting in the eleventh century and continuing until 1492, Christian monarchs, upon conquering a city, town, or castle, would sign capitulations with their Muslim rulers. These agreements granted all Moors the choice to leave or stay, preserving their faith, laws, and property. Many who had means and relatives in Granada, north Africa, or the Middle East chose to depart. They were mostly nobles and wealthy individuals. However, the majority remained as this was their homeland.

For example, King Jaume I of Aragon, who conquered the kingdom of Valencia, did two things: first, he granted all Muslims the right to stay, guaranteeing them freedom of religion and the inviolability of their person and property. Second, he declared that the majority of Saracen lands would go to the royal treasury instead of being distributed among the nobles who participated in the campaigns, which, of course, violated the customary privileges of the lords. At the same time, being a devout Catholic, the king strongly desired Christians to settle in the region and, in 1245, he hoped that around 100,000 people would come.

However, by 1275, only 30,000 Christians had settled throughout the kingdom of Valencia—most preferred to live in cities, and the main population in rural areas remained Muslim. There were often only two Christians in a rural settlement: a notary and the owner of a tavern who traded wine, while the rest of the residents were Saracens. In the cities, the Muslim population could also be substantial, especially in the southern regions of the peninsula and along the coast, where it was sometimes as much as 80 per cent. Until the beginning of the sixteenth century, Muslim communities existed in all the major Spanish cities and in many small towns, villages, and castles, although their numbers had noticeably declined. The reasons for this decline were the wars and levies that led to the emigration of Muslims. By selling their lands, houses, and shops, they would leave, sometimes as whole families, taking all their movable property with them.

The kings made every effort to preserve their Muslim subjects, granting privileges and temporary tax exemptions. They generously issued permits for the return of departed Saracens to the kingdom. In 1296, during the conquest of Murcia, King Jaume II of Aragon granted all fleeing Saracens documents allowing their return so they could "live and cultivate their bread in safety".

The royal authorities also valued skilled Muslim craftsmen highly. Spanish cities were renowned for their Saracen masters: shoemakers, tanners, butchers, weavers, potters, and so on. Armorers, furniture makers, blacksmiths, and dyers were especially prized. Muslims developed the water supply system, and from the fifteenth century, they were appointed to the first municipal fire services. In addition, Muslims were recognized as skilled doctors and pharmacists. Moreover, they were highly skilled specialists in siege machinery and served in the royal army.

Of course, the most vivid memory of the Muslims was left by the stonemasons and carpenters who built the royal palaces, city gates, and castles for the lords. The Moorish style was in such high demand that, created by the efforts of Muslim and Christian builders, a special Spanish variation of Gothic and Renaissance architecture emerged, the Mudéjar style. This style was popular in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and is seen in the Royal Alcázar of Seville, Puerta del Sol in Toledo, Castillo de Coca near Segovia, and many other structures, including Christian cult buildings and ordinary houses. The famous Seville Giralda is considered a great example of this style, which, at the same time, represents the continuity between al-Andalus and the later Muslim communities. This tower was built in the twelfth century and served both as a minaret and observatory. After the city surrendered to the Christians in the thirteenth century, the Great Mosque of Seville was converted into a cathedral, and the minaret became a bell tower. The Giralda can still be seen today, albeit with some additional upper levels and a statue representing Faith built in the sixteenth century.

Thus, the Muslims remained in the Iberian Peninsula, living under the rule of Christian monarchs. Their religious brethren from Fez or Cairo, of course, called on them to leave Spain for good, but by the fourteenth century, it was already clear that emigration was not financially feasible for everyone, and breaking away from their roots was difficult. Moreover, Spanish Muslims felt quite comfortable. Their position in society was determined by a series of documents that granted them extensive privileges and ensured autonomy in all the internal affairs of their Muslim communities. In this matter, the Christian authorities followed the administrative strategies they had borrowed from their Muslim neighbors.

Muslims practiced Islam freely freely and had their own mosques. The community was led by a leader they chose, whose appointment the king or lord would only confirm, and all positions in the community were held by Muslims as well. They lived according to their own law and were judged by their own judge when it came to internal matters, that is, matters between co-religionists. One of the most important traditional positions was that of the qadi, a judge who had very broad powers, and the qadi was often the head of the community. Muslims fasted, performed the HajjiPilgrimage to Mecca, the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad, is one of the five obligatory pillars of Islam. Every Muslim is required to make this journey at least once in their lifetime.. pilgrimage, and maintained their own calendar, holidays, and customs. They taught their children in their own schools, using their own books, reading the Koran and Hadith (narrations about the life and sayings of Muhammad). Muslims had their own slaughterhouses and butcher shops in cities. They also had their own cemeteries.

When we imagine the Spanish Moors, we often think of images of women wrapped in colorful fabrics, men wearing turbans and trousers, living in special neighborhoods called morerías. Morerías did indeed exist in many Spanish cities, but not in all of them. In places with large Saracen communities, the Muslims themselves often built walls, with gates that would close at night, around their quarters. In other cities, there were so many Muslims that it made no sense for them to separate themselves from the rest of the population. Frequently, Christians who arrived in the south would buy houses next to other Muslims and live on the same street.

Regarding their attire, the Muslims quickly adopted European fashion and dressed similarly to Christians. Bishops viewed this negatively, believing that Muslims should stand out in appearance, mainly to be easily distinguishable from Christians in order to prevent any potentially dangerous sexual contact with the "infidels". In various bishops’ letters, it was suggested that SaracensiAnother name for Muslims is the Latin plural term "Saraceni," derived from the Ancient Greek "Σαρακηνοί" (Sarakēnoí), meaning "eastern people," which comes from the Arabic word "شرق‎" (sharq), meaning "east." should, for example, have a distinctive haircut or wear beards so that Christian sex workers wouldn't mistake them for Christian clients. Interestingly, apart from the bishops, the appearance of Muslims did not concern anyone else among the Christians.

According to testimonies from female sex workers, the Saracens did not differ from the Christians in their appearance or speech, and this was the case at least in the cities. This remarkable observation by women provides us very rare information about the Muslim-European identity of the Spanish Moors in those ancient times. Indeed, on the one hand, they identified themselves religiously as faithful Muslims, and on the other hand, territorially as Valencians, Murcians, or Granadans. They swore vassalage to Christian lords and remained true to their word. Interestingly, they apparently spoke the vassalage oath in Arabic, and this could be accompanied by an explanatory formula in Old Castilian or Old Catalan.

The question of which language the Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula used for communication is directly related to their identity. It should be noted that classical Arabic, as the language of the Koran, was adopted as the official and literary language as early as the establishment of the emirate in the eighth century. It was used for state documents, letter writing, poetry, and everyday conversation. It was the common language shared with the metropolis and those who went from there to Spain. At the same time, modern scholarship suggests that educated people in the peninsula were trilingual. The Muslims of al-Andalus were proficient in classical Arabic, the local dialect of Arabic, and various Romance languages. The latter was important for everyday and business communication, considering that local Christians continued to live alongside Muslims. Terms and phrases from Romance languages found their way into the dialectal Arabic of the time, which differed in pronunciation from classical Arabic.

It is not surprising then that contemporaries were amazed by the Banu Bali people, an Arab clan living in the eleventh century in the north of Cordoba, who ‘hardly spoke Romance [Latin], only Arabic, both men and women’. As for the dialectal Arabic, in the tenth century, people in the East had already remarked on the peculiar pronunciation and certain changes in morphology and syntax among the Andalusians.

By the twelfth century, all Muslims spoke two languages, the local Arabic dialect and Romance, which was used for everyday communication with townspeople and peasants. Bilingualism began to penetrate even high literature. For example, the renowned twelfth-century Andalusian poet Ibn Quzman used Romance vocabulary and even elements of metrics in his Arabic compositions. In the Emirate of Granada, special attention was given to the Arabic language as a means of preserving Islamic identity and culture. The encyclopedist, historian, and poet Ibn al-Khatib noted that the people of Granada used a 'purified' language. Romance came to be regarded as a secondary language. At the same time, Arabic was no longer uniform: for example, different dialects were spoken in Valencia and Granada. It is noteworthy that after the conquest of Valencia, Christians deliberately compiled an extensive dictionary in which Arabic words were explained in Latin. The undertaking of such a serious work in a short period of time can be explained not by the abstract interest of scholars but by the practical needs of the victorious conquerors.

As the power of the kingdom of Granada waned and the political prestige of neighboring Christians grew, people increasingly resorted to borrowing from the Romance dialects. Dialectal expressions began to infiltrate poetry, family correspondence, notarial acts, and even specialized literature, which was traditionally composed in classical Arabic. This late variant of Andalusian Arabic is well-known thanks to the invaluable work of Friar Pedro de Alcalá, who, in 1505, created "Art for Easy Acquisition of the Arabic Language", accompanied by an Arabic-Castilian dictionary.

For the Muslims who remained under Christian rule, the Arabic language continued to be an important factor of their identity. It retained its position as the spoken language for the majority of the Muslims, and they used it when drafting various types of contracts, notarial acts, and documents. By the fifteenth century, however, the majority of Moors, except for the inhabitants of Granada, were bilingual. Muslims, especially urban dwellers, spoke the local Romance dialects fluently. Therefore, it would not have been difficult for them to swear allegiance to a Christian king in his native language. However, they did not do so because such homage would likely be considered in effect.

Ritual and sacred formulas in all cultures have a high degree of stability and are less prone to changes. Since Sharia law is based on the Koran and Hadiths, the divine and sacred texts composed in Arabic, Muslims consider Arabic a sacred, and the only permissible, language when it comes to divine truth and justice. This was also the belief of Spanish Muslims regarding theological treatises, notarial acts, vassal oaths, or courtroom oaths. Interestingly, during the Middle Ages, Christians recognized the oath of a Muslim only if it was pronounced according to all Muslim rules and customs and in their own language. If the procedure was violated, no one was willing to guarantee the mysterious presence of a divine power, which essentially distinguished the sacred act from secular agreements.

At the same time, Christians, including the king, his officials, and secretaries, did not understand Arabic. It was not always the case that someone in the entourage of the monarch or local lord knew Arabic, let alone be conversant with Muslim formulas of oaths and homage. The solution to this situation was found through a kind of bilingualism. Muslims would swear in Arabic and then communicate what they had just sworn in the Romance dialect. This bilingual procedure was indispensable, for example, in the investigation of a criminal offense involving both Muslims and Christians. Thus, both the parties and the judge were interested in the existence of a common shared space of justice between them.

Not only were there many Saracens in the Spanish kingdoms who usually spoke two languages, but they also actively interacted with their Christian neighbors. They rented houses to them, hired them as servants, and themselves worked as servants. They sold goods in their shops, owned workshops and forges, and bought from Christian merchants and artisans as well as communicated with officials when necessary, et cetera. It is difficult to list all the spheres of everyday, private, or business life where Muslims and Christians collaborated and sometimes competed. Generally, such cooperation was mutually beneficial. However, there were instances of the interests of Muslims and Christians being in conflict, leading to personal disputes and social tension as religious and ethnic differences are known to be fertile ground for such discord.

Taverns were physical and social spaces where clashes between Muslims and Christians could occur at an individual level. These areas were always owned by Christians, as Muslim law prohibited selling wine. Until the fifteenth century, Muslims were not even allowed to rent premises to be used as drinking establishments. However, it was not forbidden for them to buy wine from Christians and consume it. In the Iberian Peninsula, Muslims have been drinking wine since the era of the caliphate. The consumption of wine among them varied in different regions, but it was generally accepted both in cities and rural areas.

Many people mistakenly believe that Islam imposes an unconditional prohibition on alcohol consumption. However, in reality, there has never been a dogmatic definition that would require Muslims to completely abstain from drinking. In Sharia law, intoxication, known as sukr, is listed as one of the most serious crimes falling under the category of hudud (the set of laws and punishments specified by Allah in the Koran), the penalties of which entail severe punishment. However, neither the Koran nor the Hadith specifies a precise punishment for this offense. Muslim lawmakers have interpreted sukr in various ways, and local customs have always played an important role in this matter.iGoldziher I. Le dogme et le loi de l’islam / The Dogma and Law of Islam. Paris, 1920; Sukhiyaynen L. R. Muslim Law: Questions of Theory and Practice. Moscow, 1986. PP. 189–190; Urresti M. F. La España expulsada. La Herencia de Al-Andalus y Sefarad / Expelled Spain: The Heritage of Al-Andalus and Sepharad. Madrid, 2009. P. 248. Andalusian Muslims did not refrain from wine consumption, and as the events in Elche (as we will discuss) showed, they had a habit of buying wine from taverns located not only in the Christian part of the city but also in the Muslim quarter.

Elche was a major urban center that always belonged to the royals, and Muslims made up 80 per cent of its population. Thus, the wine trade among the Saracens represented an important source of income for local tavern owners, Christians, and the royal treasury. In 1308, King Jaume II allowed the Saracens not only to purchase wine in Christian taverns but also to consume it there as long as it took place within the Saracen quarter. The tavern owners in the Christian part of the city clearly suffered losses as a result and appealed to the king to equalize their rights with those of the tavern keepers in the Muslim quarter. The ruler agreed to satisfy their request.

Eight years later, the Muslim community of Elche was forced to turn to the king with a request to put an end to this harmful practice. They complained that ‘some Saracens, having lost all shame, enter Christian taverns where they drink so much wine that they become intoxicated and provoke quarrels against Christians, uttering many shameful words to them’. The Muslims had valid concerns that "not only would there be unrest against those Saracens who engage in such revelry but also against others, causing great harm" to the entire community.

Why did the consumption of wine by Muslims in the company of Christians not bother anyone for eight years and suddenly require the intervention of the king himself? Searching through the documents of the royal chancellery, one can discover that about ten days before these events, the king discussed an unpleasant incident, which had taken place in Elche, with his advisors. Some Christian youths, fueled by religious fervor, called on the townspeople to attack the Moorish quarter and incite a riot. Obviously, such sentiments provoked a reaction among the Saracens, and the topic was actively discussed in taverns by both sides. It wasn't far from blasphemy, which, by the way, was considered a crime at that time. Ordinary social interaction over a cup of wine, as we can see, was generally an accepted pastime, although it could lead to conflict and even serve as provocation.

In the Christian kingdoms, the Moors continued to live the way they were accustomed to, observing their customs, holidays, and family traditions. Just like before, Muslims fasted during Ramadan, their children learned to read the Koran, and women adorned themselves with jewelry and veils passed down through generations for wedding ceremonies.

However, life brought its own adjustments. Islam’s loss of political dominance deeply affected the Muslims, who now had to obey not only Sharia law but also Christian laws. At times, the unfortunate Saracens found themselves between a rock and a hard place, that is, between the requirements of their own law and a new decree issued by the king. Moreover, until the fifteenth century, kings rarely issued decrees that curtailed the rights of the Moors out of their own volition and personal conviction. Rather, they submitted to the demands of the church or the nobility but sought to minimize the harm inflicted on their Moorish subjects, rightfully fearing that they would simply start leaving the country.

Perhaps the most vivid example of such a complex situation is the collision over the call to prayer. As we know, the Muslims had the right to freedom of religion and the practice of their faith; they maintained some, although not all, mosques, and performed prayers five times a day, announced by the muezzin from the minaret. This practice did not provoke any objections in Spain until the beginning of the fourteenth century.

The forces that intervened in traditional practices were located far beyond the Iberian Peninsula. In 1311, during the papacy of Clement V in Vienne, a church council was held, which decreed that the call to prayer and the public mention of the names of Allah and Muhammad were offensive to the Christian faith and should be prohibited under the penalty of death. Pope Clement, in 1312, was recognized as one of the instigators of the Crusades and participated in the proceedings against the Templars.iThe Templars, also known as the Knights of the Temple, were one of the earliest spiritual and military orders. Their official name was the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ and of the Temple of Solomon. The order, originally created to protect Christian pilgrims, evolved into a powerful feudal institution. Additionally, the order provided financial services that were utilized by European monarchs. In the early 14th century, the French king Philip IV, known as Philip the Fair, who himself was a major debtor to the Templars, entered into conflict with the order under the support of the Pope. The conflict culminated in the burning at the stake of the order's Grand Master, Jacques de Molay.

The Spanish kings did not rush to implement this decree because it contradicted the governance of the kingdom and the privileges granted to Muslims. However, the bishops insisted, and the royal authorities had to comply. Thus, King Jaume II of Aragon issued an ordinance prohibiting the loud and public mention of Muhammad's name from the minarets. As the proclamation of the shahada became impossible without mentioning the Prophet, the entire call to prayer, the azan, was also banned. Anyone who violated the ordinance was to be sentenced to death without any right to pardon.

The ordinance was sent to the officials of the kingdom, and soon after, royal letters were dispatched to instruct the officials to gather representatives from Muslim communities—six from each major region or city—and clarify that the ban on the azan was a necessary measure resulting from the king's obligation to follow the papal directive.

The king requested loyalty from the Muslims and implicitly asked for their understanding and compliance with the prohibition. The Muslim communities agreed to a compromise with the crown, which was intended to strengthen their position in the country. It should be noted that the royal authorities regarded this arrangement as a necessary declaration that had no practical implications. There are no known cases of the death penalty being applied for the call to prayer.

However, the Muslims found themselves obligated to adhere to two conflicting norms: as Muslims, they had to observe their religious customs, and as subjects of the Christian king, they had to obey the ordinance. A solution was found through the use of wind instruments. Since the muezzin was not allowed to loudly proclaim the call to prayer, upon ascending the minaret, he would silently recite all the prayer formulas with his fingers pressed to his ears and his lips barely moving, facing towards Mecca. Standing beside him was another person playing the nafir, an Arab trumpet. It was the sound of the nafir that now announced the prayer times to the Muslims. According to the Aragonese king Peter IV the Ceremonious, the sound of the trumpet could not offend anyone's hearing.

Christian authorities and society periodically interfered in the religious life of Muslims, even though they did not want to themselves. For instance, throughout the entire fourteenth century, the nobles demanded restrictions on the rights of Muslims to leave the kingdom as they did not want to lose the source of their profits. Kings were also inclined to prohibit Saracens from leaving the country, especially during the times of war. These periodic bans contradicted the privileges of the Muslims and hindered not only free trade but also their pilgrimage to Mecca to undertake the Hajj.

Nevertheless, during peacetime, Muslims still embarked on pilgrimages, and it was not uncommon, although it required significant expenses. To undertake the hajj, Moors had to pay for a license to leave the kingdom and pay Christian officials taxes. In addition, they had to ensure they had enough funds to support their relatives, household members, and servants for one to two years during the journey. They traveled to Mecca, Medina, Beirut, the Holy Land, and Alexandria. They engaged in lucrative trading along the way to sustain themselves, often carrying goods instead of relying solely on coins.

However, the pilgrimages of devoted Muslims within the kingdom were not restricted until the end of the fourteenth century. Since these journeys were now much more accessible and affordable, many Muslims from all over Spain and North Africa embarked on ziyarat, or pilgrimages to local minor shrines of regional significance. It is worth mentioning that local cults in Islam sometimes acquired such significance in the eyes of the local population that, under certain conditions, they could be equated with umrah and hajj, particularly when ‘performing the hajj was hindered by significant obstacles’.

Typically, in the Islamic world, a person gained a reputation as a saint during their lifetime through asceticism, performing good deeds and miracles, having foresight, and other qualities. There was no established canonization process in Islam, and recognition as a saint did not require anything other than people's faith in this status being bestowed by God upon a particular man or a woman. Activities such as engaging in theological studies, acquiring knowledge of the law and divine texts, as well as possessing personal humility and spiritual insight all bestowed special authority upon an individual. People sought their advice, assistance, and justice. After the righteous person's earthly journey came to an end, the people began to visit their burial place, which was perceived not only as a memorial or symbol of the deceased but also as imbued with pious power. Pilgrimages were made to the tombs of saints, where prayers were offered, gifts were presented, and requests were made. One such individual revered for their saintly life during the time these lands were under Muslim rule was Galib ibn Hassan ibn Ahmad ibn Sid Buna, who held the position of a judge in the small town of Atzeneta. He was renowned for his piety and asceticism and passed away after the Christian conquest of Valencia.

Saracens from all the lands of the Crown of Aragon, Castile, Granada, and Barbary would annually, in the spring, travel with their families, wives, and belongings to Atzeneta, to the resting place of this holy person located near the mosque. They would come in large numbers, taking different routes; the men would be armed and create such significant gatherings that local authorities were sometimes concerned. Until the beginning of the fifteenth century, the royal authorities did not put an end to this practice but instead instructed the local authorities to ensure their safety and collect a fee from every Moor who came to the mosque to pray and leave votive offerings. Even later, when King Martin I the Humane attempted to suppress the pilgrimage to Atzeneta, that pious center persisted. References to it can be found in the records of the Inquisition in the second half of the sixteenth century during the reign of Philip II of Habsburg.

Imagine a medieval Spanish city, preferably a port city. The battles of the Reconquista have long subsided. In the hazy dawn above the harbor, ancient walls, mighty gates, intricate palaces, and white streets, the tolling of church bells echoes, accompanied by the sound of a nafir. Near the ships is a bustling crowd of merchants and pilgrims: some are setting sail for Rome and Jerusalem, while the others are bound for Mecca. At a trading post in the marketplace two businessmen strike a deal, each exclaiming ‘To the glory of God!’. One voice rings out in Castilian, the other in Arabic. In the evening, perhaps they will sit together in a tavern, sharing a cup of wine.